ReportN o. 20088-TR
Trin i dad andT obago
Youtha nd SocialD evelopment
An IntegratedA pproachf or SocialI nclusion
June2 000
Environmentallayn d SociallyS ustainableD evelopmenSt ectorM anagemenUt nit
CaribbeanC ountryM anagemenUt nit
LatinA mericaa nd the CaribbeanR egion
Documenot f theW orldB ank
Currency Equivalents
(As of June 21, 2000)
US$1 = TT$6.24
TT$1 = US$1.00
Fiscal Year
January 1 - December 31
Vice President: David de Ferranti
Director: Orsalia Kalantzopoulos
Sector Director: John Redwood
Sector Manager: Shelton Davis
Sector Leader: Maria Donoso Clark
PREFACE
This report is about investing in the youth of Trinidad and Tobago, especially those at
greatest developmentalr isk, which is important for building social and human capital and
improving the country's economic situation in the future. It builds upon and
complements previous World Bank economic and sector work in the country, which
focused on the financing of education (14628-TR, June 28, 1995), poverty and
unemployment (14382-TR, October 27, 1995) and public sector reform (15187-TR, June
28, 1996).
A team led by Maria Donoso Clark and consisting of Eveling Bermudez, Ian Mac Arthur,
Harry Patrinos and Miriam Schneidman prepared the report. Chadwick Fleck, Aline
Brito and Staci Orie provided team support. Joy Dryfoos, Linda Dove and Kate Shecter
are the peer reviewers. Shelton Davis is Sector Manager, Social Development. The main
mission to Trinidad and Tobago benefited from the collaboration of several governmental
and non-governmentalo rganizations. In particular, the Change Management Unit of the
Ministry of Social and Community Development and representatives of the Division of
Youth Affairs of the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs worked closely with the
mission team.
iii

CONTENTS
Prefac.e. .............................. iii
Contents ............................... iv
List of Acronyms.. ............................. vi
Executive Summary. .............................. vii
Chapter 1: Introduction. ............................... 1
Chapter 2: A SituationalA nalysis of Youth. ............................... 5
A Risk Frameworkf or Youth Development. .............................. 5
Growing Up in Poverty. ............................................................... 7........................7
Living in a Poor Family Environment: Less Support and More Neglect. ................................................ 8
Living in Government Care: Involvementi n Child Protective Services. .................................................9
The Neighborhood Environment. ...................................................... 10
Education. ....................................................... 11
Limited Access - Youths Outsidet he Education System. ...................................................... 11
Inequitya nd Quality- Absenteeism,D rop-Out and Academic Performance. .................................... 12
Employment ........................................................ 15
Specific Risk Behaviors, Outcomes,a nd Further Exclusion. ...................................................... 16
Sexual Behavior and Teenage Pregnancy. ...................................................... 16
Youth Crime, Drug Traffickinga nd Drug Abuse. ....................................................... 8
Chapter 3: Investing In Youth. ...................................................... 21
The Costs of Youth Crime. ...................................................... 21
Dropouts and Youths Excluded from Education. ...................................................... 22
Rationale for Investing in At-Risk Youth. ...................................................... 23
Chapter 4: Youth Development Services ....................................................... 25
Education Reform .............................. ............................................... 25
The Social Safety Net and Youth. ................................................................................ 28
Youth Training and EmploymentP rograms ............................. 32
Sport and Youth Activities. 37
Family and Youth Services.. .......................... 38
Programs for Specific Risk Groups. ........................................... ....4 .3...3.................. 
Chapter 5: Policy and Legal Context and Institutional Capacity ........................................................ 45
The Context of Youth Policy Implementation- Main Issues. ............................................................... 45
National Youth Policy. ..................................................................................................... 46
The Legal Context. ........................... 48
ConsiderationsR egarding Implementation.. .......................... 51
Chapter 6: Conclusions and Program and Policy Options ................................................................ 52
Facilitate Accesst o Educationa nd Retention of At-Risk Youth in School .................... .....................5..3. 
Reach Youth outside the Education System ................................................................ 55
Improve Training by StrengtheningG overnmentR egulation
and Promoting Private and Voluntary Sector Provision. ............................................................... 55
Adopt or Reform Policy,L egislation and Institutional Structuresf or Youth Development. ......... ........5..6 
Implementingt he Strategy. ............................................................... 58
List of References.. ......... 60
iv
Annexes
Annex A: Categorization of Youth At Risk ........................................................................ 67
Annex B: Review of Problems in the Education System ......................................................................6. 8
Annex C: Voices of Youth: Student Perceptions of School and Risk in Trinidad and Tobago ... 74
Annex D: Estimating the Cost of Negative Youth Outcomes. ............................................................. 79
Annex E: Statistical Annex ....................................................................... 81
Annex F: Youth Development Activities, by Provider and Category ................................................. 83
Annex G: Design Features of the Civilian Conservation Corps .......................................................... 84
Annex H: Training Programs ....................................................................... 85
Annex I: Expenditures of theMinistry of Sport and Youth Affairs, Sample Year - 1995. .................. 89
Annex J: National Youth Policy ....................................................................... 90
Annex K: Preliminary Comments on the Report from Government of Trinidad and Tobago ... 95
Figures
Figure 2.1: A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing the Situation of At-Risk Youth ...........................6
Figure 3.1: Comparative Annual Unit Costs of Selected Youth Investments ..................................... 23
Boxes
Box 2.1: Laventille: Challenges in a Poor Urban Neighborhood. ...................................................... 11
Box 4.1: The Corcorite Learning Center ....................................................................... 27
Box 4.2: Full-Service Schools Make Resources Available to Neediest Students ................................. 28
Box 4.3: Youth Development and Cultural Expression - The Case of Music ..................................... 38
Box 5.1: Beneficiary Participation in Policy Planning - UNIGEM ..................................................... 47.
Tables
Table 2.1: Mean CEE Score and Enrollment in Secondary Schools. .................................................. 13
Table 2.2: Selected Labor Force Indicators, 1991-1999. ..................................................................... 16
Table 2.3: Serious and Juvenile (Under Age 16) Offenses, Trinidad and Tobago, 1982-1996. ........... 19
Table 4.1: Characteristics of Safety Net Programs Benefiting Youths ............................................... 30
Table 4.2: Main Cbaracteristics of Skills Training and Employment Programs ................................ 33
Table 4.3: Institutional Care Facilities - Main Characteristics .......................................................... 40
v
LIST OF ACRONYMS
ADP Adolescent DevelopmentP rogram
CCC Civilian Conservation Corps
CEE CommonE ntrance Examination
CPO Chief Probation Officer
CXC Caribbean Examination Council
ECCD Early Childhood Care and Development
GDP Gross Domestic Product
I1DB Inter-AmericanD evelopment Bank
KAP Knowledge-Attitudes-PracticesS urvey
LAC Latin America and the Caribbean
LMIS Labor Market Information System
NADAPP National Alcohol and Drug Abuse Prevention Program
NGC National Gas Company
NAP National ApprenticeshipP rogram
NGO Non-GovernmentalO rganization
NTA National Training Agency
OAP Old Age Pensions Program
PA Public Assistance Program
SBDC SmallB usiness Development Corporation
SERVOL Service Volunteered for All
SHARE SocialH elp and RehabilitationE fforts
SLC Survey of Living Conditions
SIP School Improvement Project
SOE State Owned Enterprise
UNIGEM United Nations Geoguthic Movement
URP UnemploymentR elief Program
UWI University of West Indies
YDAC Youth Development and ApprenticeshipC enters
YESS Youth Enterprise Support System
YMCA Young Men Christian Association
YTC Youth Training Center
YTEPP Youth Training and EmploymentP artnership Project
vi

Executive Summary
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1. In recent years Trinidad and Tobago has experienced increasing social problems
relating to its youth population despite the economy's improved performance. A major
preoccupation of the government is to understand the causes behind this situation and
how to overcomet hem. The overall goal of this report is to help in this task and establish
the basis for interventions that would lead to improved youth development. The specific
objectives of this work, which also frame the analysis, are to (i) uncover and analyze key
issues facing the country's youth, (ii) explore a rationale for investing in youth
development activities, (iii) review current services for youth, (iv) examine the existing
and proposed policy and legislation relating to youth and capacity for its implementation,
and (v) propose interventions to reduce the risks faced by youths and increase the
potential for social and human capital development.
2. This report highlights the two principal exclusionary factors that contribute to
increasing conditions of risk for youth in Trinidad and Tobago: (i) restricted access to
the secondary education system, which leaves out about one third of the school-aged
population, and (ii) the high level of unemployment, which reaches 30 percent for the 15-
19 cohort, compared to 14 percent for the rest of the population. In addition, poverty,
reduced family care, and exposure to youth protective services and the judicial system
pose developmental risks that may contribute to negative outcomes such as youth
involvement in crime and drug culture, early sexual activity and pregnancy. The report
demonstrates that investmentsi n youth services would help reduce these existing barriers
and bring substantial economic and social returns for the individual and for society. The
government of Trinidad and Tobago has made progress in addressing these issues,
including laying the groundwork for education reform, rationalization of training
programs, and improvements in youth and family services. However, these measures -
especially secondary education reform, the most important aspect of risk reduction for
youth - will require several years to implement. In the interim, a "transitional strategy"
consisting of an integrated set of interventions, policy and legislation would be necessary
to reduce risk among youths and promote their inclusion in the country's development
process.
A Situational Analysis of Youth
3. Trinidad and Tobago has approximately 400,000 youths, ages 10-24 that account
for about 30% of the population. The main concern of this report is young people at risk
of exclusion from the social and economic development of the country who encounter
substantial challenges in the traditional venues of socialization, principally, the family,
community, school and workplace. This report applies a conceptual framework that takes
into account these multiple dimensions affecting their lives and argues for an integrated
approach to youth development. The framework identifies behaviors and conditions
relating to at-risk youth in terms of their source or causality and level of risk. It relates
risk antecedents (such as poverty, low self-esteem, and poor neighborhood environment)
to individual, social, institutional and structural factors and shows how they can develop
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Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
into risk markers (such as poor school performance and conflict within the family), high-
risk behavior (such as drug use and early sexual activity) and negative outcomes (such as
dropout and involvement in youth crime). It indicates that, in addition to remedial
interventions, efforts will be necessary to handle the underlying conditionst hat generate
risk.
4. The situational analysis reveals that many youths in Trinidad and Tobago suffer
from limited access to the country's social and economic resources. Young people
experience poverty to a greater extent than other population groups, and poor youths on
average belong to larger families. Changes in family composition and, at tirnes,
migration have contributed to reduced material and/or emotional support for youths
within the family. Despite the absence of a national case reporting system, there is
increasing evidence on domestic violence and child abuse, both of which are associated
with negative youth outcomes later in life. In some cases families have relinquished their
childcare responsibilities altogether, and their children live in government-supported
institutions and community-care facilities that present their own developmental risk
factors. Like in many parts of the world, the youths of poor urban neighborhoods in
Trinidad and Tobago face multiple challenges due to the characteristics of the
environment in which they live - government surveys in several communities have
shown a high degree of marginalization,d efined in terms of exclusion from the social and
economic developmenta nd lack of an organized voice.
5. As they grow older, youths come up against two persistent sources of exclusion:
restricted access to secondary school and limited employment opportunities. On the
transition to secondarye ducation, a substantialp roportion fall behind academically, and
about one third are left out of the system altogether. Youth of African descent are
particularly vulnerable in this regard. High dropout rates among those aged 15-17
compound this situation, leading to poor overall secondary school completion rates, with
estimates as low as 45 percent. Incomplete schooling often implies premature entry into
the labor market with unsatisfactoryr esults. Youths who have not completed secondary
education face inferior job prospects, lower lifetime earnings, and greater likelihood of
under- and unemployment. While this is common worldwide, the large proportion of
youth entering the labor market with low levels of qualificationsi n Trinidad and Tobago
exacerbates this situation, contributing to a youth unemployment( 15-19) rate of over 30
percent, double the overall rate.
6. These restrictions on adolescents' prospects for the future contribute to higher
manifestationso f risk behavior and associated outcomes, such as teenage pregnancy and
youth crime. Although fertility in the population as a whole, and among young women in
general, in Trinidad and Tobago has been on the decline, certain risk groups demonstrate
continued early sexual initiationa nd pregnancy. The fertility rate in the 15-19 age group
in Port of Spain was 89/1,000 in 1995, up from 72 in 1990. Young girls experiencing
early pregnancy and childbearing normally possess a set of comnmona ntecedents, such as
low socioeconomics tatus and education levels, poor self esteem and a history of abuse.
They also face several health-relateda nd socioeconomicc onsequences. Adolescent girls
suffer more pregnancy and delivery complicationst han slightly older women, and early
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Executive Summary
sexual activity creates increased risk for transfer of sexually transmitted diseases, of
which HIV/AIDS is of greatest concern. In terms of youth crime, the rate of juvenile
offenses (under age 16) has held fairly constant, but there is evidence that youths between
16 and 25 years are responsible for a significant portion of the overall burden of crime
both in terns of the number and severity of cases. Increased drug trafficking has
influenced the nature of youth crime and stimiulatedh igher rates of drug use and abuse
among the young segment of the population.
Investing in Youth
7. The social and economic costs associated with at-risk behavior in Trinidad and
Tobago are high and often exceed the cost of preventive and remedial interventions. The
analysis focused on three at-risk behavior or outcomes with broad social implications for
which enough information was available to make economic assessments - youth crime,
school dropout and exclusion from education. The results provide a strong rationale for
investing in both preventive and remedial interventions for at-risk groups.
8. Youth engaged in criminal activity are often secondary school dropouts. When
they commit a crime, society pays not only for its costs but also for the investment
already made on a few years of education that will not provide the expected benefits.
The approximate cost of a secondary school dropout who gets involved in crime,
measured through lost earnings (as compared to those of a secondary school graduate)
and cost of crime are approximated at TT$ 436,000 (1992 TT$) per dropout, in nominal
terms. The range of present value lifetime earnings for the secondary school dropout
who gets involved in crime is TT$ 357,886 to TT$ 59,237, depending on the discount
rate, even lower than for the individual who has not received any educational degree
(TT$ 362,106 to TT$ 111,517). In fact, social returns on such an investment are
negative, and such youths represent a very high cost to society.
9. Evidence on rates of return, earnings differentials and lifetime earnings resulting
from education point to the importance of expanding secondary education opportunities
and helping youths to stay in school. Each additional year of schooling increases
earnings by approximately 15 percent for both men and women, which is fairly high in
international comparison. The monthly wages of males with complete secondary and
university education, respectively, were 1.25 and three times that of males with only
primary school education, with very similar results for females. Secondary school
dropouts represent an inefficient investment of resources in comparison to primary school
graduates because (i) the cost to society of educating these dropouts for several years in
the secondary stream is higher than the cost of just primary education, and (ii) the
earnings of secondary school dropouts are aimost equivalent to those of youths who
complete primary school. The cost of a secondary school dropout in comparison to a
graduate, measured through lost earnings and the cost of education, were approximately
TT$ 316,000 in nominal terms.
10. The costs of youth crime and secondary school dropout, in addition to the high
earnings returns to education in Trinidad and Tobago, provide strong arguments for
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Trinidad and Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
investing in interventions to reach at-risk youth. If they are well targeted and
inexpensive, special projects would be worth the expenditure, increasing the value of
existing investments in human capital that at times do not currently bring full benefits, as
in the case of secondary school dropout (and even more with youth crime). Such
interventions not only bring large private returns, in the form of increased individual
earnings, but also significant social returns, through preserving public investment in
education, reducing the costs of crime, and generating positive externalities through
higher lifetime earnings (for example, greater economic activity). Although data was not
available to facilitate the calculation of costs related to other behaviors and outcomes
such as early pregnancy, as was the case with youth crime, the results are likely
comparable because, in addition to direct costs (for example, medical care and child
care), the outcomes are also often associated with school dropout and its costs. The same
is likely to be the case with youths who are exposed to less severe risk antecedents such
as residence in poor neighborhoods, having an abusive family, and unemployment,
especially since these factors are related to one another.
Youth Development Services
11. To address the challenges of youth development, the government, private
voluntary organizations and, to some extent, the business sector have been involved in a
wide range of activities focusing on different issues. For the most part, these address
individual concerns, for example, unemployment or teenage pregnancy, but use common
tools like counseling, skills development or recreation to accomplish their objectives.
There is no integrated approach to make these interventions more effective or less costly.
In this context, the analysis of the system of youth services reviews the range of available
services from a system-wide perspective, rather than focusing on the assessment of
individual interventions. This reveals opportunities for potential reform and relative
service gaps that merit more attention. The areas covered include: education reform,
safety net programs, training, sport and culture, family services and special programs for
at-risk groups.
12. Education Reform. The government is undertaking reform in basic and
secondary education that should help address problems regarding access, quality and
equity. The Basic Education Project, partially financed by the World Bank, stresses
increasing access and quality in the early childhood care and development (ECCD)
system and primary education. ECCD coverage of children aged 2-4 will rise from 37.5
percent to 55 percent during the period of project execution, which is a considerable
expansion but also reveals the remaining significant shortage of ECCD opportunities.
The same project is also supporting the increase in capacity of over 10,000 spaces at the
primary education level and measures to improve quality, including human resource
training, curriculum strengthening, provision of books and instructional materials, and a
fund for small pedagogic projects. A comprehensive reform of the secondary education
system, with support from the Inter-American Development Bank, will aim to create
universal access, convert double-shifted schools to single shifts, extend the amount of
time spent in the classroom, and employ a new standard 5-year curriculum. Still, during
the reform period, a significant number of adolescents will remain outside the educational
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Executive Summary
system due to the lag time needed to increase capacity and promote better transition rates
from primary to secondarye ducation. The plans for reform do not appear to consider the
needs of these youths for remedial education and integration into the system.
13. As in many other societies, youth in Trinidad and Tobago experience higher
levels of poverty and vulnerabilityi n relation to other age groups and constitute the bulk
of the poor. Young adults earn less and experience higher unemploymenti n general, and,
for young women, who tend to be disproportionatelyp oor, the addition of children can
further strain resources and increase poverty. In this context, safety net programs can
play a major role in alleviating poverty for the young. The report argues for the more
effective targeting of the Old Age Pension program, which currentlyc overs over 80% of
the population over 65 years, towards poor households, which are often
multigenerational. The Public Assistance Program demonstrates some inefficiencies,
such as lax application of eligibility criteria and duplication of benefits, which result in
disincentivet o pressure the labor market, and with improved targeting could be expanded
to include poor, male-headed households with children. Certain features of programs
such as the Social Help and Rehabilitative Efforts (SHARE), which provide in-kind
transfers and rely on community and NGO involvement in rehabilitative activities,
deserve closer study - they have allowed families to send their children to school and
redirect limited resources to other needs while attempting to address the underlying
determinants of the families' poverty. The Civilian ConservationC orps is a public-works
style safety net program for youths that has recently undergone changes that threaten its
viability, however, it may be useful to continue such a program in the short run, since it
successfully reached the most vulnerable groups (with low education levels and
socioeconomics tatus).
14. Training and Skills Development. The public sector is currently reevaluating its
youth training efforts and partially shifting its role from that of a direct provider to
facilitator and regulator through the newly-formed National Training Agency (NTA).
The NTA will be responsible for coordinatinga nd maintaining quality control of the wide
array of training, skills and personal development activitiesc reated over the years by the
govemrnent, voluntary and private institutions to counteract the shortcomings of the
education system. There are several large youth training and employment programs
(YTEPs) in Trinidad and Tobago that together reach around 15,000 youths annually at a
total cost of some TT$50m. The most important ones include the Youth Training and
Employment Partnership Program (YTEPP), a limited liability company established and
funded by governmenta nd partially financed by a World Bank loan for several years; the
Junior Life Centers, Adolescent Development Community Life Centers, Skill Training
Centers and Hi-Tech Centers operated by the NGO Service Volunteered for All
(SERVOL); and, the Youth Developmenta nd ApprenticeshipC enters (YDACs) (former
youth camps), run by the Ministry of Social and CommunityD evelopment. Some of the
training offered in the private sector is profit-oriented, small scale and non-regulated by
the government. Over 500 institutions are registered with the Ministry of Education as
providers of technical and vocational training, but few have been through any process of
accreditation or validation, making quality an issue of concern. Large companies also
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Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
provide skills training to improve the human resources base for their respective
industries.
15. Effectiveness of Training. The limited evidence from evaluations (mainly on
YTEPP and SERVOL) indicates that training is generally useful but meets the demands
of the market only to a certain degree. Some indicators of YTEPP's success include:
requests from private sector industrial and business employers as well as state agencies
and NGOs for the customizationo f its integrated training package, high participation by
vulnerable groups, and strong demand by clients. Several tracer studies have
demonstrated positive effects of YTEPP participation on beneficiary employment rates,
earnings, rates of self-employment,l abor force participation, pursuit of further studies,
literacy and numeracy, and character (for example, motivation and attitude). SERVOL
graduates have also fared well, with studies showing 41% fully employed, 27% employed
part-time and 2% self-employed.
16. Thematic Issues in the Youth Training Field. The youth training and employment
assistance field is currently undergoing extensive change and will have to face both new
and long-standing challenges. The government has already taken significant steps by
establishing the National Training Agency (NTA), which has the general mission of
guiding reform of the sector, and initiating the restructuringo f the YDAC system. It will
be important for the governmenta nd NTA to approach the following main issues from an
integrated perspective: (i) inadequate supply of services relative to demand, (ii)
reorientation of public programs, (iii) a new role as a facilitator and regulator, (iv) new
sources of financing, (v) market demand for training, (vi) improvement of business and
micro-entrepreneurialt raining, and the (vii) creation of evaluation mechanisms.
17. Sport and YouthA ctivities. As in many countries, youth-serving organizationsi n
Trinidad and Tobago have relied on sports as well as recreational and cultural activitiest o
engage youths and promote positive behaviors. Both the government - through the
Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs and the Ministry of Social and Community
Development - and the private and voluntary sectors have supported these types of
initiatives, and although they succeed to some extent in occupying youth's idle time and
contribute to socialization, they have limited potential to transfer useful skills. In this
regard, the organizationsc ould take greater advantageo f the ability of sports and culture
to attract at-risk youths by creating links to other services (for example, alternative
education and skills training). Six youth centers operated by the Ministry of Sports and
Youth Affairs to promote youth leadership in poor neighborhoodsp rovide an opportunity
to try such an approach.
18. Family and Youth Services. The government operates or supports services for
youths who lack an appropriate family care environment or who have come into conflict
with the law. In addition to institutional care, which is relatively expensive, the
government has created mechanisms such as non-material family support and probation
to allow the youths to remain within their famniliesw hen possible. However, the former
type of intervention (institutionalization)h as historically suffered a variety of limitations
- lack of qualified personnel, stigmatizationo f beneficiariesa nd difficult reintegration in
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Executive Summary
the community, little family involvement, inadequate accommodation arrangements, and
high costs - and the latter type of service (family support and probation) is severely
restricted in scope. The effectivenesso f these services in the future will depend on (i) the
reform of the institutional care system, (ii) allocation of sufficient financial and human
resources and institution-buildingf or the family services and probations divisions, and
(iii) clearer definition of institutionalr oles during the process of adopting new legislation
toward youth services.
19. Programs for Specific Risk Groups. Different conditions of risk among
adolescents (for example, school failure, adolescent pregnancy, drug abuse,
institutionalizationb ecause of delinquency, etc.) appear to be related to each other and to
an underlying set of antecedents; however, aside from ECCD services and orientation
regarding good parenting provided by NGOs, there are few mechanisms of detecting and
preventing risk behavior as the child advances through primary education and into
adolescence. Althought he youth employment training programs have the general goal of
keeping youth out of trouble, they offer little concrete in the way of targeting specific risk
behavior. Other specialized preventive efforts tend to concentrate on single risk factors,
as do rehabilitativep rojects for older children and adolescents: (i) NGOs have been the
main force behind the implementation of interventions in early pregnancy; (ii) the
government has been active in combating drug use through the National Alcohol and
Drug Abuse Prevention Program; and, (iii) "street children" are the focus of a variety of
small-scale projects operated by NGOs (sometimesw ith government support).
Policy and Legal Context and Institutional Capacity
20. The government's efforts to shift its role from service provider to facilitator and
regulator and achieve greater decentralization, cost-effectiveness, and stronger
partnerships will likely produce an improved environment for the implementation of
youth policy and legislation. However, three broad issues will merit special attention for
this process to succeed. First, the public service delivery structure is extensive but
inefficient. Second, although govermnent has already cooperated at length with civil
society organizations and the business community, it could do this on a more systematic
basis. Third, a wide array of government-appointedc ommissionsh ave presented analysis
and recommendationso n specific topics in youth development that have resulted in little
concrete action.
21. Trinidad and Tobago is ahead of many other countries in the Caribbean and Latin
America on youth policy, family law and on its commitment to abide by international
law, as manifested by the ratification of internationalt reaties and conventions, including
the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, the government needs to address
several problems in the current legislationa nd legal structure, including: (i) provisions
for youths aged 16-17, who end up grouped with younger children in the industrial
schools or even with youths over age 18 in the Youth Training Center, both situations
that present the possibility of older youths having a detrimental influence on younger
ones; (ii) contravention of the Conventiono f the Rights of the Child regarding corporal
punishment; and (iii) the absence of a family court, which has contributed to delays in
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Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
case processing, placement of youths on remand for months at a time, grouping of youths
on remand with those who have committed serious crimes, and inadequate provision of
legal services for children and families. Proposed new legislation on a Children's
Authority, community and foster care, a family court, adoption, and amendment to
certain laws affecting children address some of these issues. However, without
appropriate measures to increase the capacity of institutions responsible for putting the
legislation into practice, its effectiveness will remain liniited. The Government is also
preparing a national youth policy under the coordination of the Ministry of Sport and
Youth Affairs, but in comparison to the current draft, a more focused policy, with a clear
emphasis on at-risk youth, would be easier to execute and would likely have greater
benefits.
22. The implementationo f new legislation and the youth policy will call for enhanced
institutional capacity and adequate allocation of human and financial resources. The
proposed legislation would position the government as a supervisor and facilitator and
create an environment for improved and increased private and voluntary sector service
provision, but resources will still be necessary to establish the new institutional
structures. Similarly, the introduction of new roles and responsibilities for several
existing thinly-staffed government divisions (for example, the Family Services Division)
will also help government achieve its goals but will demand appropriate capacity
building. In this regard there is urgent need for institutional assessment and planning
from the onset that can quantify the required inputs.
Conclusions and Program and Policy Options
23. This report shows that investing in youth would bring significant social and
economic benefits. As early as the 1970s, observers within and outside the country
identified two major obstacles to youth development that leave around a third of youth at
risk of poor outcomes: (i) restricted access to education beyond primary level and (ii)
lack of employment opportunities for those with low labor market qualifications. These
factors, in combination with poverty and deficient neighborhood environments, generate
risks for youth involvement in crime, the drug trade and drug use, and early sexual
activity and pregnancy. Other widely recognized factors contributing to these negative
outcomes are reduced family care, partly as a result of changing family structure or
migration, abuse, parents' abdication of childcare responsibilities, and, ultimately, the
intersection of youths with the judicial system and protective services, including
institutional and community care facilities. These issues have preoccupied many
governments, but at the onset of the twenty-first century, they persist.
24. Trinidad and Tobago has taken important steps to deal with youth issues and is
currently well positioned to progress further. The government has begun to prepare a
national youth policy and legislation to improve youth services and has already initiated
education reform, rationalization of skills training programs, and movement from direct
service provision to the regulation and facilitation of voluntary and private sector service
delivery in areas such as training and youth protective services. It could complement
these efforts with additional strategies, including sponsoring special programs to reach
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Executive Summary
youths at highest risk of experiencing poor outcomes, taking advantage of the
attractiveness sport and culture to direct youths toward education and training initiatives,
and reforming safety net programs to better benefit poor families with children. The
recommendations of this report set out a strategy that would combine such efforts to
make long-term improvementsr egarding the situation of youth in the country.
25. A "Youth-Centered" Transitional Strategy. The expansion of the educational
system to meet the demand of a growing secondary school population may take several
years. In the meantime, interim measures would be needed to help reduce negative
outcomes among youths excluded from the education system and at-risk youths within
school. Therefore, this report proposes a "transitional strategy" involving a coordinated
set of interventions, policies and legislation, all of which could be reflected in the
fmalization of the national youth policy. Its implementationw ould require the combined
efforts of the public, private and voluntary sectors at the local and national levels and the
involvement of the local communities. The expected long-term impacts, assuming
adequate progress in education reform, include higher school enrollment and better
completion rates, improved skills competency and labor market outcomes, reduced risk
behavior and its consequences, such as crime and violence, and increased social capital.
Some components of the approach presented below, such as retention of at-risk youth in
school through after school activities, would likely be relevant even after the effective
applicationo f the transitional strategy.
26. The "transitional strategy" would have the following key objectives:
* Facilitate access to schooling and retention of youth at-risk in school by creating
complementary mechanisms during the transitional period of education reform.
Several options from international experience may be applicable to Trinidad and
Tobago: developingw ays to identify at-risk youth; increasing the use of demand-side
mechanisms; adapting and piloting the "full-service community schools" model;
promoting a positive "youth culture" in school through after-school activities; and
piloting learning modules to enrich the curriculum.
* Reach youths outside of school with additional educational options by expanding
the network of Youth Development Centers in poor areas and supporting the
development of alternative and remedial education programs normally offered by
non-governmentalo rganizations.
* Improve the delivery and quality of training and its relevance to the market by
strengthening government regulation and promoting private and voluntary sector
service provision. Additional issues of importance in the reform include (i)
improvement of micro-entrepreneurial training and support mechanisms (for
example, credit and technical assistance), (ii) revitalization of apprenticeship and job
placement services, and (iii) implementationo f program monitoring and evaluation.
* Adopt appropriatep olicy and legislation regarding the monitoring and regulation of
youth and family services, reform the institutional care system while strengthening
alternatives including community-basedc are and family and youth outreach services,
and reform safety net programs to better direct poverty alleviation toward children.
xv
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
* Establish the institutional infrastructure necessary to promote an integrated
approach to youth development and implement the transitional strategy by
establishing a National Youth Development Council and a "Youth Development
Fund." The role of the council would be to coordinate the various actors involved,
monitor actions and ensure broad-based participation, and the fund would help
guarantee a secure financingm echanism.
xvi
Chapter I Introduction
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1. Objectives. In the past decade, Trinidad and Tobago has seen a rise in social
problems and risk behaviors and the persistence of poverty and unemployment in its
youth population despite the country's improved economic performance. One of the
government's major preoccupations is to understand this situation and find possible ways
to improve it. The overall goal of this report is to assist in this process and provide inputs
useful in developing an integrated youth development strategy, including: (i) a
situational analysis of the social and economic characteristics of youth within a
framework that accounts for various sources and levels of risk to positive development,
(ii) an estimation of the costs to the individual and society of high-risk behaviors, (iii) an
assessment of existing youth services and service-providingo rganizations, (iv) a critical
review of the policy and legislationr elated to youth and capacity for its implementation,
and (v) presentation of a "transitional" strategy for youth developmentt o help the country
improve the situation of "at-risk" youth while necessary reforms occur (such as the
modernizationo f the education system).
2. Content and Structure. This report presents a comprehensive analysis of the
main challenges in youth development and proposes ways to address them and build
human and social capital. The report has six parts. Chapter 1 provides background
information and the context for the analysis. Chapter 2 presents a conceptual framework
and a situation analysis of youth, with special focus on vulnerable groups. Chapter 3
assesses the costs of selected youth risk behaviors and develops a rationale for investing
in at-risk youth. Chapter 4 discussest he current array of services for youths and issues in
their provision in the areas of education reform, training, safety net policies, sport and
culture, and family and youth services. Chapter 5 reviews the policy, legal and
institutional issues pertaining to youth. The report ends in Chapter 6 with conclusions
and recommendations for an integrated approach to youth development, improving
existing programs, adopting appropriate policies and introducing effective means of
implementation.
3. Expected Impact. This report will serve as a reference for the government in its
efforts to introduce an integrated approach to youth development. This would involve
making strategic choices on financial and human resources allocations, achieving greater
efficiencies in the implementationo f current programs and policies and defining priority
areas for investments and policy formulation for which the Bank or other donors can
offer support. More specifically, it would entail government action to: (i) ensure the
speedier implementation of its education modernization progranm which is the most
important mechanism of inclusion to reduce the numbers of at-risk youths; (ii) adopt
interventions to reach vulnerable youths already outside the education and training
systems; (iii) reinforce its strategic priorities in terms of reducing inefficiencies through
restructuringo f programs and activities, strengtheningi ts regulatory role, and promoting
the involvement of the private and voluntary sectors in the implementation of youth
development activities; and, (iv) establish appropriate policy, legislation, institutional
I
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
capacity, and supervisory mechanism for the implementation of an integrated youth
development program.
4. Participatory Approach. This analysis is the product of collaborative work with
the Government of Trinidad and Tobago, non-governmental organizations, international
donors, The University of the West Indies (St. Augustine Campus) and the country's
youth. In April of 1998, the World Bank sent an exploratory mission to look at youth
development activities and join the national dialogue on youth, as suggested by the
government. It sponsored a two-day Forum on Youth Development in Trinidad and
Tobago in July 1998, in which representatives from four Ministries, 13 NGOs and several
private sector entities reached consensus on the rnain issues in youth development in the
country and promising interventions. The missions and forum reports served as inputs
for the Country Assistance Strategy and provided the basis for a concept paper for the
present Analytical and Advisory Activities, which was formally presented in April 1999.
The main mission for this work was completed at the end of September 1999.1
5. Audiences. The main intended audience for this report is the government of
Trinidad and Tobago - specifically the Ministries involved in poverty reduction,
education, skills training, youth development and social protection (including youth
welfare and protective services) - civil society organizations and private sector entities
involved in youth and social development. Given the similarity of issues faced by other
Caribbean countries, the report may be of interest to the same groups in this wider
context. Some content, especially the broader principles and analytical framework, could
be applicable in other areas of the world.
6. Data and Methods. Lack of current data, especially regarding indicators of youth
risk behavior, was a major problem. Informal documents and interviews with service
providers supplied much of the information on which the report is based. The report also
relied on the 1992 Survey of Living Conditions and additional data from the Central
Statistics Office. Although the government has conducted a more recent survey (1997)
financed by the World Bank, the data has not been processed and was unavailable to the
mission team. The reliability of the conclusions of this report, however, derives from
triangulation (confirmation from different sources) in the information gathering. The
mission team expects that the 1997 survey data will corroborate its findings. Future
programmatic decisions will need to be based on these new data to ensure the appropriate
scope and targeting of the interventions.
7. Political, Economic and Social Context. Since political independence in 1962,
the citizens of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago have enjoyed a relatively high
' Drs. Lucy Gabriel, Hazel Manning and Ramesh Deosaran organized the workshop and Maria Donoso
Clark, GrahamG raves, IanM ac Arthur,R aj Nalari and AnthonyW hiteheadf acilitatedt he proceedings.
Furthermore, two primary research projects, a study on Gender Dimensions of Youth in Trinidad and
Tobago prepared by Prof. Ronald Marshall and organized by Santhadevi Meenakshy and a Participatory
Assessment using information technology co-sponsored by CISCO Systems, Inc., and with NGO
involvement, were undertaken to give voice to youths throughout the country and provide inputs on the
possible use of technology as a mechanism for inclusion. This report also benefited from background
reports by Professor Ramesh Deosaran and Victor Ibabao.
2
Chapter I Introduction
standard of living in comparison to other countries in the Caribbean and Latin America.
The country has benefited from rich supplies of oil and gas, although the economy's
dependence on these natural resources has had mixed effects on the welfare of the
population. During the oil boom, the government used its revenue to create a system of
social services of reasonable quality and coverage, including an extensive social safety
net. The traditional social and economic indicators demonstrated good performance. A
high per capita GDP and low income inequality reflected the healthy economy and
mechanismso f wealth distribution.
8. During the 1980s, the period of sustained economic growth dropped off with the
oil crisis, and the country witnessed the drawbacks of its over-reliance on oil. Per capita
income declined dramatically, unemployment rose, the government cut back spending on
social services, and poverty and crime rates increased along with social unrest, the most
notable manifestation of which was the attempted "coup" and extensive rioting and
looting in Port of Spain in 1990,i n which youth played a major role.
9. In this context, the country's youth began to command renewed attention both
because of the special way in which the crisis affected them and their perceived role in
social transformation. The challenges facing youth today are broadly the same as those
of the early 1990s, of which the most significanta re restricted access to education beyond
the primary level and lack of employmento pportunitiesf or youths with low labor market
qualifications. Around a third of secondary-schoola ged students are still denied access
to government schools, and unemployment among those aged 15-19 continues to hover
around 30 percent despite the recent economic upturn.
10. Exclusion from education and employment opportunities, in combination with
poverty and deficient neighborhood environments, leads to youth risk behavior and its
associated outcomes, including crime, the drug trade and drug use, early sexual activity
and pregnancy. The changing nature of community,a  by-product of internal and external
migration, the decline of institutionst hat served as pillars for community action, and the
rise of alternative forms of socialization has compounded this situation. Other
increasingly recognized risk antecedents are reduced family care (partly as a result of
changing family structure), abuse, families' failure to exercise childcare responsibilities,
and, finally, the youths' encounters with the inadequate judicial and protective services
systems (including institutionala nd community care facilities).
11. Government Approach. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago has set forth
several initiatives to address youth issues over the next few years. It has begun
preparation of a national youth policy and has drafted legislation that will create
institutional and judicial structures to monitor youth services and better handle legal
issues relating to youths. Other ways in which it plans to improve youth development
involve education reform, rationalization of skills training programs, strengthening
family and youth services (for example, foster care and institutional and community-
based residential programs). Additionala reas of activity where government can build on
previous experience relate to reforming safety net programs to better benefit poor
families with children, taking advantage of the attractiveness sport and culture to direct
3
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
youths toward education and training initiatives, and sponsoring special programs to
reach the groups of youth at highest risk of poor outcomes (dropout, drug use, early
pregnancy and criminal activity). Strategies inherent to these efforts are (i) shifting the
role of the government from that of a service provider to one of facilitator and regulator,
(ii) promoting private and voluntary sector service delivery, decentralization and
community-based activities, (iii) reducing inefficienciest hrough restructuring of certain
programs, and (iv) buildingt he necessary institutionalc apacity.
12. The implementation of these policies, legislation and interventions imply the
appropriate allocation of human and financial resources to meet institutional
requirements, especially in the short tenn. However, a strong rationale for supporting
effective initiatives in youth development hinges on the high social and individual costs
of negative outcomes (for example, youth crime and school dropout) and reduced
earnings associated with exclusion from secondary education. Investments now will also
help bridge the gap until the expansion and quality-improvementsm easures in secondary
education begin to benefit (i) youths excluded from the system and (ii) at-risk youths
within it, who are susceptible to dropout and related outcomes. Since this will take
several years, a transitional strategy would assist in attending to the youths currently at
risk. This approach, which resulted from the analysis undertaken for the report, is the
central theme of the report.
4
Chapter 2 A SituationalA nalysis of Youth
CHAPTER 2
A SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS OF YOUTH
13. The main concern of this report is youth-at-risk. These are youth who face
exceptional challenges in the traditional venues of socialization, principally, the family,
community, school and workplace. Trinidad and Tobago has approximately 400,000
youths, ages 10-24 which account for about 30% of the population2. A situational
analysis reveals that many youths in Trinidad and Tobago are excluded from the
country's social and economic development and live in poverty and neighborhood
environments with few resources. A large number of children experience abuse and
neglect, and some lose family support altogether, ending up as wards of the State in the
child protective services system. These factors are compoundedb y an education system
that limits access and a labor market that offers limited employment opportunities. These
restrictions on adolescents' prospects for the future contribute to higher manifestations of
risk behavior and associated outcomes, such as youth crime, often involving drug
trafficking and drug use, early sexual initiation and teenage pregnancy.
14. In reviewing these issues, this chapter applies a conceptual framework that
integrates the multiple dimensions that affect young people - namely family, community
and institutions. The approach focuses on key antecedents of risk such as living in
poverty, dysfunctional families, and neighborhoods without resources, which are often
associated with at-risk behavior among youth (Burt et al. 1998). Although the causal
mechanisms in the relationship between risk and outcome are not fully understood, the
presence of many of these variables have proven to be good predictors of negative
outcomes. Furthermore, difficulties in one area often carry over into the others. For
example, abuse within the family may bear detrimental effects on a youth's academic
performance. Youths with little education are less prepared to take advantage of training
and income generation and labor market opportunities. In this regard, the framework
allows for the identification of system markers of risk, which can facilitate planning for
appropriatei nterventions.
A Risk Framework for Youth Development
15. Historically, research and policy dealing with youth issues have focussed mainly
on negative outcomes of individuals,b ut this perspective has changed to incorporatet he
broader context of youth development at the social, institutional and structural levels.
The focus on single issues such as school dropout, youth crime, and early pregnancy led
to separate interventions that intended primarily to avoid repetition of the event, but in
treating the symptoms, they left the causes unattended. More recently, research has
2 Breakdowno f Youth Population, by Age Group
Males Females Total
10-14 years 68,000 54,000 122,000
15-19y ears 72,000 67,000 139,000
20-24 years 61,000 70,000 131,000
5
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
shown that a series of antecedents and behaviors underlies the negative outcomes, which
are also often interrelated. Therefore, this report uses a conceptual framework for
analyzing the situation of at-risk youth that takes account of various conditions that enter
a continuum of risk for negative outcomes (Figure 2.1).
16. The framework maps out behaviors and conditions relating to at-risk youth in
terms of their source or causality and level of risk. It relates risk antecedents to
individual, social (interpersonal), institutional and structural factors and shows how they
can develop into risk markers, high-risk behavior and its ultimate manifestations. In
terms of interventions, it indicates that, in addition to remedial efforts, it will also be
important to deal with the common conditionst hat generate risk.
Figure 2.1: A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing the Situation of At-Risk Youth
Risk Antecedents Risk Markers High-Risk Behavior Negative Outcomes
Conditions that predict Behaviors or conditions Activitiest hat have Manifestation of
progression along risk associated with more potential for individual consequences of risk
continuum serious outcomes or social harm behavior
Individual
Biophysical and
psychological * Low self-esteem
characteristics and * Lack of confidence
personal history; * Impulsive
ontogenetic factors that temperament * Antisocial tendencies
shape responses to * Poor lifeskills
social and institutional * Use of drugs,
stressors * Conflict in family, tobacco, alcohol * Addiction to drugs,
social settings alcohol with
Social associated health* Low family * Early sexual activity problems
Interpersonal socioeconomic * Little engagement in and unprotected
interactionsi nvolving status, poverty community structures intercourse * Early pregnancy
family, household and * Reduced support - (clubs, sports, etc.)
community family structure ' Poor pregnancy
* Abuse and neglect * Association with outcomes and
* Poor school delinquent peers, unsafe abortion
Institutional * Poor access to performance criminal adults
Formal and informal educationa nd * Sexually transmitted
institutions and social training diseases and AIDS
capital in communities * Low quality * Highr epetition rate * Intrafamilial
education violence * Involvement in
* Neighborhood with crime (often drug
low social capital * Institutionalization trafficking)
* Contact with child * Running away from
protective services home * School dropout
\ Unemployment ll
Structural General poor |* Premature entry into
Macrolevel political, economic and social High absence from labor market with
economica nd social conditions * Exclusion from school poor outcomes
structures and policy * Few employment educationa nd
environment, including opportunities trammg
opinions, beliefs and * Inadequatey outh
cultural norms policy and
legislation
* Stigma of being a
l poor youth
Source: Adapted firomS chneidman 1996; Moser and van Bronkhorst 1999.
6
Chapter 2 A SituationalA nalysis of Youth
17. Based on the predominanceo f these antecedents, youth are situated in categories
of low, medium and high risk. This analysis focuses primarily on the needs of medium
and high risk groups. At-risk youth are those from lower to middle income groups who
often live in non-nuclear family households, drop out of secondary school and end up
attending school training programs. Many initiate sexual activity at an early age and
rarely use contraception. The youth at highest risk are those experiencing multiple risk
factors. They drop out prematurely; commit serious acts of delinquency, crime, and
violence; are involved in drug abuse; and often suffer from some form of abuse and
neglect (see Annex A for possible descriptors by risk category). Estimates are that
between 30 to 40 percent of youth may fall in the medium and high risk categories;
however, new programmatic interventions would require a review of these estimates
based on the 1997 Survey of Living Conditions.
Growing Up in Poverty
18. Poverty is related to high levels of unemployment, crime and violence, social
problems and the disintegration of traditional forms of social cohesion and family
composition. It underlies many problems that youth experience in Trinidad and Tobago,
such as abuse, adolescent pregnancy, delinquency, and education and employment
outcomes, as will be seen in the following sections. Youths experience poverty to a
greater extent than other population groups, which indicates that poor families with
children shouldb e a priority for public poverty alleviation efforts (see Chapter 4).
19. The World Bank's 1998 Country Assistance Strategy placed the incidence of
poverty at 21 percent, with 11 percent of the population living in extreme poverty. The
highest rates of poverty still occur in St. Andrews county, followed by St. George, St.
Patrick and Victoria counties. The largest number of at-risk youth live in these four
counties.
20. Certain characteristics of poor households relate directly to youth. On average,
poor households are larger and have more children - they have approximately 6.1
persons, most of whom are dependent children and adolescents, comparedt o 3.9 persons
m non-poor households3. The average number of youths under 18 years for households
in the lowest per capita consumption quartile is four times greater than for those in the
highest quartile. Children are especially vulnerable in female-headedh ouseholds, which
bear a high incidence of poverty (31%) and account for 27% of all households4. Female
household heads, in addition to frequent child care responsibilities, face challenges in the
workplace. For example, 40% of them work in elementaryo ccupations, where wages are
low, in comparisont o only 24% of male household heads.
3 Poverty increases steadily with household size according to the Ministry of Social Development's
analysis (1996) of the 1992 Survey of Living Conditions data. Whereas around 30% of two-person
households are poor, this figure rises to over 50% for households with eight persons.
4 Unless otherwise indicated, statistics are from the World Bank's analysis (1995a) of the most recent
availables urvey of living conditions (1992).
7
Trinidad and Tobago. Youth and Social Development
21. Poverty, along with factors relating to family composition, place pressure on
many youths to prematurely enter the labor market. Poor families often have only a
single main income provider, and in many cases, the household head has less than a
secondary school education5 and experience intermittent periods of unemployment. In
seeking employment to complement the family income, youths generally meet with a
lack of opportunities, reflected in high rates of unemployment and idleness, which
undoubtedly contribute to other negative outcomes, for example, delinquency. The
impact of poverty goes beyond physical deprivation and affects social and psychological
development6. The result is often a range of at-risk behaviors that affects the individual
and the society at large.
Living in a Poor Family Environment: Less Support and More Neglect
22. In addition to poverty, several factors in the family environment affect the process
of socializing children. They involve: (i) the family's human and social resources, often
reflected in family composition, (ii) attitudes and values, and (iii) prevalence of negative
behaviors and family-related problems. Positive parental attitudes, values, and child
rearing skills and higher education levels contribute to successful development outcomes.
By contrast, abuse and neglect relate directly to a series of risk behaviors and poor
developmental results. For example, Marshall (1999) argues that in difficult family
settings, many parents resort to beatings as a means for disciplining youth, which only
creates insecurity and low self-esteem. Children learn at an early age that aggression is
an acceptable means to resolve differences and hence, reproduce this behavior later.
23. As in other Caribbean countries and the United States, family composition in
Trinidad and Tobago has undergone significant changes. The proportion of youths living
in two-parent families has declined dramatically, and this holds implications in terms of
family resources and socialization7. In part, th7 is has resulted from migration~. ~~S~ea~r~c~h~ fo~r~~~~~~~8
employment abroad has led to increased parental absenteeism. Youths in such families
are often called "barrel children" because they receive financial support packages from
abroad in place of a parent's day-to-day attention.
24. The issues relating to family structure disproportionately affect youths in low-
income families. A survey by Jules (1994) of all 83,000 public secondary school students
showed that 64% of students lived with both biological parents - others lived in single
parent households (mother, 20%; father, 4%), extended families (6%) or alone (less than
1%). Among poor segments of the population, who are also those generally excluded
5 Only around 21% of household heads in the poorest income quintile had more than primary education, in
comparison to around 55% of household heads in the wealthiest quintile.
6 For an exploration of relative deprivation, psychological development and criminal behavior in the
Caribbean context, see Desosaran, 1999.
7 In 1994 there were 300,000 families in Trinidad and Tobago demonstrating wide variation in structure.
Two-parent families, of which 9% were in common-law unions, accounted for over half of all households
in 1994 (St. Bernard 1998), while extended families amounted to 22% of households. Single parent
families made up 14.3% of households.
8 The population profile shows a significant drop in the ratio of males to females in the 20-24 age cohort,
mainly accounted for by migration. Around 10,000 of the 70,000 cohort members do not reside in-country.
8
Chapter .2A  Situational Analysis of Youth
from the secondary education system, this profile changes, and only 27% of the youth in
the neighborhood of Laventille lived in two-parent households, of which roughly half
were common-law marriage households (Ryan et.al. 1997). In a study on gender
perceptions of low-income youths, 73% of the sample of 1,500 came from single parent,
female-headed households (Marshall 1999). Over 50% of the male youths participating
in the study mentioned having to assume adult responsibilities at an early age (for
example, participation in the labor market), which impeded them from attending school;
nearly 30% of female participants cited broken homes as a key cause of school drop out,
teenage pregnancy and prostitution.
25. Despite the absence of a national case reporting system, there is increasing
evidence on domestic violence and child abuse, both of which contribute to other
negative youth outcomes. Sharpe and Bishop's study (1993) of 129 "children in
especially difficult circumstances" (institutionalized children, juvenile delinquents,
youths in survival strategies, disabled youths and pregnant adolescents) revealed a pattern
of abuse and neglect among 64% of the sample (except the disabled). Tobago's medical
social workers documented 243 cases of physical abuse, 65 cases of sexual abuse against
females, and 33 rapes during 1993-97. Most of the sexual abuse cases were intrafamilial
or involved friends of the family. Groome-Duke (1998) estimates that in Trinidad and
Tobago less than 10% of cases come to official attention and one in four girls and one in
ten boys have been sexually abused by age 18. Marshall's (1999) study of at-risk youth
documented that more than 30% of the females had experienced some form of abuse. He
cites the increasing number of consensual and unstable unions as a causal factor.
26. Two studies by Sharpe attempted to understand the characteristics and dynamics
of abuse and neglect. The first study (in Sharpe and Bishop 1993), an examination of 25
youths, demonstrated that the parents in the sample frequently had been abused
themselves (32% of mothers and 36% of fathers). Mothers of the youths had often
started their reproductive lives in adolescence (36%). Finally, substance abuse, a trigger
for domestic violence and child abuse, was common among the fathers. The second
study (in Jules et.al. 1998) matched a sample of 78 abused youths from a child guidance
clinic with a control group. Maternal age of under 17 years at first birth was significantly
more frequent among the abused group (24%) than the control (15%) and general
population (14%). Also, a significantlyh igher proportion of parents in the sample (42%)
than in the control group (14%) used drugs9.
Living in Government Care: Involvement in Child Protective Services
27. Children whose families do not provide proper care or who are beyond the control
of their parents or guardians normally enter the system of institutional and community-
based children's homes. Separate facilities exist for juveniles who are apprehended for
and/or convicted of criminal activity. However, in practice there is some mixture among
the groups, and to a large degree they experience a similar set of underlying risk
9 The samples are not representative of the population of abusive families in general, since they were drawn
from public clinics that cater to groups of lower socioeconomic standing, whereas abuse occurs in families
of all socioeconomic standings.
9
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
antecedents. Contact with the network of child protective services represents an indicator
of risk for outcomes such as lower education levels, involvement in crime, and drug
abuse. This occurs not only because poor youths are more likely to enter the system but
also because of exposure to the poor environment within the institutions (see Chapter 4).
28. The youths in the institutions demonstrate a high risk profile. In a sample of the
nearly 500 children from St. Mary's and St. Dominic's Children's Homes (orphanages),
of which 70% were male and of African descent, at least 68% had been abused or
neglected; 50% were from single-parent households; and 23% had been born to teenage
mothers (Sharpe and Bishop 1993).' ° Fifty percent and 70%, respectively, had no contact
with their mothers and fathers. The approximately 500 youths from the correctional
industrial schools - St. Michael's Industrial School for Boys and St. Jude's Industrial
School for Girls - and the Youth Training Center have similar backgrounds. Sixty
percent had parents with working-class occupations; 76% came from households without
both parents; and generally they had low educational levels. Fifty-four percent of the
youths had been charged for offenses potentially harmful to others, while the remaining
36% were there for acts such as "beyond control" and "running away from home"
(Deosaran and Chadee 1997).
The Neighborhood Environment
29. In addition to family ties, community networks are especially important in
developing human capital and play a significant role in determining outcomes for youth
later in life. As proposed by Coleman (1988), social capital includes the family networks
and other social mechanisms outside the family that parents utilize to advance their
children's chances of success, thereby incorporating the immediate social contexts - most
notably the neighborhood and school - in the picture of youth development. Coleman
hypothesized that families in communities with dense social ties, common values and
strong institutions would command greater social capital and their children would access
more and better opportunities, which subsequent research has confirmed. For example,
in a study of at-risk youths in Baltimore, a measure of neighborhood quality bore a
statistically significant relationship to college enrollment after controlling for family
human capital and the "success trajectories" of youths (Furstenberg and Hughes 1995).
30. Like in many parts of the world, the youths of poor urban neighborhoods in
Trinidad and Tobago face multiple challenges due to the characteristics of the
environment in which they live. Surveys carried out by the Ministry of Sport and Youth
Affairs in three such neighborhoods in Trinidad revealed a high degree of marginality,
defined in terms of exclusion from the development process, social isolation, lack of
equal opportunities and absence of organized voice (Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs
1998, also see Box 2.1). This was evident in low academic achievement despite
relatively high levels of secondary school attendance,"' low levels of participation in
10 The most frequent age range was 5-9 years; 70% were of African descent; 70% were male.
" For example, the Datsunville neighborhood survey revealed that 68% of respondents had completed
senior comprehensives chool but only 4% had obtained five Caribbean Examination Council passes.
10
Chapter 2 A Situational Analysis of Youth
training, and high unemployment1.2 Family and social networks in Tobago appear to be
more stable and cohesive than in Trinidad (see St. Bernard 1998); however this is also
beginning to change.
Box 2.1: Laventille: Challenges in a Poor Urban Neighborhood
A government survey of youth issues in the neighborhood of Laventille, Port of Spain, illustrate the
types of constraints and risks facing youth in low-income communities. First, the relatively high
concentration of youth growing up in poverty in Laventille places heavy demands on both their
families and the state institutions intended to address their needs - youths aged 15-24 years in
Laventille represent almost 43% of the total population compared to a national average of about 30%.
Second, a greater proportion of youths face the risk of family dissolution, which is common among
households in the neighborhood. Third, a greater proportion live in families were the household head
is unemployed - 30% of all households did not have anyone employed in comparison to a national
rate of about 17%. Fourth, people's perceptions of the quality of life and future prospects highlight a
high level of pessimism - close to 60% of respondents thought the quality of life in Laventille had
deteriorated over the past decade, and nearly half felt that there would be further deterioration.
Source: Ryan et.al. 1997.
Education
31. Despite the ongoing reform efforts, the education system in Trinidad and Tobago
presents problems of access, quality and equity. It produces systematic exclusion, mostly
of disadvantaged populations, and it is stratified along socioeconomic and ethnic lines. A
poor school environment leads to deficient academic performance, absenteeism and drop-
out which are good proxies for predicting future problem behaviors such as delinquency,
violence, and early-age childbearing. In terms of risk, according to this analysis, two
broad groups are of concern: (i) youths who never enter the school system and (ii) those
who fall behind and may eventually drop out.
Limited Access - Youths Outside the Education System3'
32. At all levels of the education system, capacity is limited in relation to demand.
Currently early childhood care and development services reach slightly less than half of
children in the appropriate age range.'4 Although access is nearly universal in primary
education and enrollment ratios are generally high - normally over 90% - a large
absolute number of children still remain outside of the system. One survey estimated that
roughly 15,000 children aged 5-11 years were not attending primary school, representing
somewhat less than 10% of this age cohort (Jules 1998). According to the 1992 Survey
of Living Conditions, school enrollment was 99% for children from families in the
highest and second-highest expenditure quintiles in comparison to 93% for those from the
12 About half of the survey respondents were unemployed, of which close to 60% had been unemployed for
more than one year or had never worked.
13 See Annex B for a more detailed analysis of the educational system, by level (pre-primary, primary and
secondary).
14 This is especially unfortunate since these services are associated with reduced drop-out and repetition -
and thereby increased efficiency- in later stages of education.
11
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
lowest quintile. A lack of adequate capacity in secondary schools has created a process
of vacancy rationing in which some children are excluded altogether - for example, of
29,273 students taking the CEE in 1996, 22,468 passed; 18,201 received placement in
secondary schools; 1,378 went on to post-primary centers and youth camps; and 2,695
repeated Standard 5, leaving at least 6,805 children who appear to have fallen out of the
system (Jules et.al. 1998).'5 Recent government efforts to increase the capacity of the
system have been able to counter declining enrolment1,6 and the proportion of students
taking the common entrance exam (CEE)17 who secured secondary school places grew
from 67% in 1993/94t o 72% in 1997/98. However, many youths still remain excluded.
Inequity and Quality - Absenteeism, Drop-Out and Academic Performance
33. The ongoing education reform process will eventually remove the physical barrier
to inclusion for most youth in Trinidad and Tobago, particularly the poor, through the
expansion of the school system; however, some inequity and quality problems will likely
persist. In terms of at-risk youth, these issues are critical since they relate closely to
absenteeism, drop-out and academicp erformance.
34. Inequities appear in the educational setting starting with early childhood care and
development services. Only 21% of children in the lowest per capita consumption
quintile attend childhood care and education centers, compared to 51% in the highest
quintile (World Bank 1995a). This is partly a result of the overwhelming proportion of
services provided in the private marketplace, where prices are frequently too high for
poor families (see Logie 1997). Furthermore, interviews with parents and center
administrators have revealed the following reasons for less than optimum demand for
services: physical access; lack of awareness among parents of the value of early
stimulation programs; the practice of parents at home to keep their young children with
them; and, the lack of a facilitative link between the early childhood center and a high
quality primary school (Jules 1998). Several of these variables likely have a significant
relationship with the socioeconomic status of the family.
35. Inequity in primary and secondary school is evident both in the scores resulting
from the Common Entrance Examination (CEE) and in the practice of "tracking" which
places students with poor scores in school of lesser quality. Considerable variation is
evident in student performance on the exam, based on a number of variables including
the management authority of the primary school, education district, county of residence,
and student sex, socioeconomic status and self-declared race group. Most importantly,
children from high socioeconomic status households scored significantly better than those
from low socioeconomic households, especially ones in which nobody was employed
(around a 20 point difference). Students of self-declared African origin have been
15 Some of these children may enroll in private secondary schools that serve poor academic performers who
do not succeed in entering the more prestigious public schools.
16 For the 12-16 age group, enrollment dropped from 92,299 in 1986/87 to 83,042 in 1994/95 while the
population grew from 118,563 to 131,501 over the same period (Jules et.al. 1998) - the corresponding
enrollment ratio fell from 78% to 63%. These figures may even be inflated since the average age in Form I
of secondary school has been found to be 11 years (Jules 1994).
17 Eleven-year-oldst ake this test at the end of Standard 5 to determine entry into secondary education.
12
Chapter 2 A Situational Analysis of Youth
significantly more likely to score lower (59) than those of mixed or Indian origin (64 in
both groups). The latter, in turn, have normally performed more poorly than
Syrian/Lebanese, Caucasian and Chinese students (all above 72). 18 Placement on limited
secondary school slots is based on the CEE score. The students from lower income
families are placed disproportionatelyi n inferior junior secondary, senior comprehensive,
and composite schools (about 70% of enrollment), while students from upper and middle
income families are more likely to enter 5- and 7-year traditional schools (30% of
enrollrnent), as seen in Table 2.1.
36. This stratification reinforces perceptions of inferiority and low self esteem among
students who perform poorly. In this regard, Oakes (1987) noted that "tracking forces
upon schools an active role in perpetuating social, economic and political inequalities."
The unequal educational opportunities are subsequently mirrored in the youths' personal
development and performance in the labor market. Many of these young people end up
with negative expectations of themselves and of others. By contrast, resilient students
develop a feeling of belonging early in secondary school life and have higher academic
performance (Jules no date a).
Table 2.1: Mean CEE Score and Enrollment in Secondary Schools,
by School Type and Family Income Level
SchoolT ype MeanC EE Upper Middle Lower Unemployed Others( %) Numbero f
Score( out of Income Income Income parents Students
100) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Junior Secondary - -
A.M. Shift 54 1.9 42.9 36.7 5.7 12.9 13,684
P.M. Shift 53 1.9 41.5 36.3 5.0 15.3 12,866
Whole Day 60 3.8 47.8 36.6 2.8 7.1 4,624
Sr. Comprehensive 55 3.0 48.7 31.6 3.9 12.7 15,991
Composite 57 2.3 42.9 35.5 6.0 13.3 7,983
5-yr. Traditional 75 9.5 62.3 19.4 2.4 6.5 10,460
7-yr. Traditional 82 19.6 60.8 11.3 2.0 6.3 17,423
6 Form College - 14.1 63.0 13.0 3.2 6.7 284
Total 6.9 50.3 28.0 3.9 10.8 83,315
Source: Jules 1994, p. 36 and 233.
37. Although official repetition rates are extremely low in primary education due to
the common practice of automatic promotion, many students begin to fall behind rapidly
after the common entrance exam.' Of the third of students who do not receive spots in
the public secondary education system in the initial round of the CEE, some may succeed
in entering later, but they find themselves at a disadvantage compared to their peers. On
average, 23% of students in the first three years of secondary school are overage for their
grade level, a good proxy for future problems, including dropout.
t8 These figures are group mean scores for the 1988-92 intakes (Jules 1994).
19A nnual repetition is less than 2%, except for Standard 5, which students repeat to prepare for the CEE.
13
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
38. Secondary school dropout relates to risk behavior in adolescence, financial
constraints, and the quality of education2.0 A longitudinal study of a student cohort
entering Form 1 (age 12) showed that the cumulative drop out rate was close to 13% by
Form 2 and 15% by Form 3 (Jules no date a). Drop out rates by Form 3 were highest for
males, youths of African descent, those living with grandparents (36%) and fathers
(28%), students from lower socioeconomic groups, and those attending composite
schools (23%).21 The 1992 Survey of Living Conditions confirmed the large variation in
secondary enrollment rates (age 13-19) across socio-economic groups - less than 50% of
those from the lowest income quintile were in school in comparison to 76% for those
from the highest quintile. Moreover, it showed that 17% of the second-lowest
expenditure quartile cited "not worthwhile" for non-attendance at school. A pattern of
persistent tardiness followed by prolonged absence often precedes dropout (Jules no date
a). The international literature reveals similar findings, showing that children who are
truant, act out at school, and have low expectations for future schooling are much more
likely to leave school (Dryfoos 1989). Jules (no date b) found male underachievement in
the Superville neighborhood to be related to degrading and excessive punishment,
negative labeling by teachers, and uncreative pedagogic techniques. (See Annex C for a
summary account of students' perceptions about school). Children who end up in
vocational training programs have cited their disillusionment with the school system,
adversarial relationshipsw ith teachers, and negative feedback as key motives for dropout
(Marshall 1999).
39. In comparison to other countries in the Latin America and Caribbean region, the
portion of youths who are unable to progress to secondary education or who drop out is
fairly high for Trinidad and Tobago. In urban areas, the percentage of youths leaving
school after completing nine years or less ranges from 20% (Chile) to 54% (Honduras).
By comparison, in Trinidad and Tobago, about one-third leave school after completing
basic education (10 years). For those in the bottom quartile of the income distribution
and rural areas, this percentage is substantially higher (40-80% and 70-96%,
respectively). The final result is a low rate of secondary school completion (especially at
the appropriate age), perhaps around 43% for any given cohort entering primary school2.2
40. The ultimate outcome of these problems in the educational system is poor
performance on international comparative exams. On the Caribbean Examination
Council (CXC) regional exam, even among students completing Form 5 of secondary
school (16 years), a substantial proportion (up to 70%), particularly among the lower
20 As with absenteeismo, fficiald ropoutr ates are inaccuratelylo w since studentso ften continuet o remain
on the school rosters even though they attend school infrequently or not at all. Although attendance and
dropout is not a serious problem in primary school, in explainingn on-attendance, students from families in
the lowest per capita expenditure quartile frequentlyc ited finance (23%) and transportation (17%).
21 Students from middle (6%) and upper income (12%) families had substantially lower drop out rates by
Form 2 than low-income groups (26%, which rose to 37% among youths in households with unemployed
heads). Students from the predominantly agricultural education district of St. Andrew-St. David had the
single highest drop out rate (28%), while Tobago and St. George East had the lowest rates (4% and 6%).
22 Since official rates are unavailable, World Bank and Inter-American Bank staff made this approximation
using the transition rate from primary to secondary education (63%), a government estimate of secondary
school completion (80%, which broadly matches Jules findings, no date a), and the cumulative dropout rate
from primary education (7%) - i.e., (.63)*(.80)- .07 = .43.
14
Chapter 2 A Situational Analysis of Youth
socio-economic groups, fail to get 3 or 4 passes, suggesting serious problems regarding
the quality and relevance of their education. A 1990/91 study on reading literacy by the
International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement confirmed large
differences in performance among schools and placed Trinidanian primary and secondary
school students third and sixth from the bottom, respectively, among 27 participating
countries (Schleicher and Yip 1993).
41. While the Government has been making an effort to improve access and quality
of education, this will probably be insufficient to curb problems relating to the high-risk
groups such as school dropouts. International experience has demonstrated that
providing a place in the school system for children from disadvantaged families is
necessary but not sufficient condition. Since they start life at a relative disadvantage, it is
critical to offer complementary investments to compensate for the lack of other inputs
(for example, stable family environments, supportive parental attitudes, community
resources, strong networks and positive role models). This indicates the need to identify
students at-risk of dropping out at an early stage and create opportunities for enhancing
their chances of school success, for example, through life skills, academic remediation,
counseling, and parent education.
Employment
42. School drop out often implies premature entry into the labor market with
undesirable results. Youths who have not completed secondary education face inferior
job prospects, lower lifetime earnings, and greater likelihood of under- and
unemployment. While it is common worldwide for unemploymentt o disproportionately
affect young and new entrants into the labor force, the large proportion of youth entering
the labor market with low levels of qualifications in Trinidad and Tobago exacerbates
this situation. Other factors contributing to high rates of youth unemployment include
growth that is predominantly capital intensive (mainly in the petroleum sector), sluggish
growth in agriculture and manufacturing, and downsizing in the public sector.
43. Even when unemployment rates hit historically low levels, as during the oil
bonanza of the 1970s and more recently during 'the economic upturn of the late 1990s,
youth unemployment( 15-19) continued to hover at over 30%, double the overall rate (see
World Bank 1973 and Table 2.2). In 1999, youths 15 to 24 years old in the labor force
numbered 128,300, accounting for 23% of the total. Of the total labor force, some 79,300
were unemployed, and youths between 15 and 24 years of age composed 40% of this
group. Thus, they are around 1.8 times more likely to experience unemployment than the
labor force as a whole. Youth unemployment rates have remained consistently elevated,
ranging from 34.2% in 1991 to 25% in 1995.
44. Within the youth population unemployment varies by age and sex, with the
younger groups and females experiencing the worst. Unemployment among young males
is consistently lower than among young females. For example, in 1973, youth
unemployment (age 15-19) stood at 28% for men and 36% for women (see World Bank
1973). Thus, females are at a relative disadvantage both in terms of employment and
15
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
wages, which are 17% lower than men's on average. 23 For older youths (20-22)4),
unemployment rates are substantially lower than for their younger counterparts, as they
become increasingly marketable with more job experience.
Table 2.2: Selected Labor Force Indicators, 1991-1999
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1998a 1999a
Labor Force ('000) 492.2 505.1 504.5 509.4 521.0 551.0 564.0
Unemployed ('000) 91.2 99.2 99.9 93.9 89.4 80.5 79.3
Unemploymentr ate(%) 18.5 19.6 19.8 18.4 17.2 14.6 14.1
Youths (15-24) ('000) 113 111.4 109.6 110.4 113.5 118.7 128.3
Percent of labor force(%) 23.0 22.1 21.7 21.7 21.8 22.0 23.0
Unemployed ('000) 38.6 38.7 36.7 35.9 35.2 31.0 31.5
Unemployment rate (%) 34.2 34.7 33.5 32.5 31.0 26.0 25.0
Percent of Unemployed (%) 42.3 39.0 36.7 38.2 39.4 39.0 40.0
Source: ContinuouSs ampleS urveyso f PopulationC, entralS tatisticaOl ffice,T rinidada nd Tobago.
a Representsd ata for first quarter
Specific Risk Behaviors, Outcomes, and Further Exclusion
45. Risk antecedents such as poverty, improper family care and involvement in child
protective services, poor neighborhood enviromnents, and school failure are associated
with behaviors that may result in negative outcomes, such as pregnancy, drug use or
arrest for criminal activity. These events, in turn, can have profound long-term effects
and lead to more severe situations of exclusion.
Sexual Behavior and Teenage Pregnancy
46. Worldwide experience has shown that for adolescents at highest risk, unplanned
pregnancy generally starts with early sexual initiation, unprotected sex at first
intercourse, a long delay in obtaining contraception, and low and inconsistent use of
contraceptives. The antecedents of teen pregnancy in Trinidad and Tobago are generally
in line with these patterns:
* Socioeconomic Status and Education. Teens in Trinidad and Tobago who initiate
sexual activity and become pregnant at an early age are more likely to live in families
of low socioeconomic status from which the father is absent, education levels are low,
and family support is weakened (Jagdeo 1994). The study in Laventille (Ryan et.al.
1997) found lower proportions of childless women under age 20 and 25 in
comparison to national averages.24 In the Marshall study sample (1999), nearly 50%
of girls with only primary education had experienced early pregnancies compared to
17% of those with post-secondary qualifications. The National Family Life Survey
23 This seems paradoxical, considering that women outperform men at all stages of the educational system.
However, the training and occupations pursued by women are often in non-dynamic sectors in terms of
employment generation. Furthermore there is ample evidence of bias against women in the labor market.
24 The proportion of childless women under age 20 was 80% for Laventille and 90% at the national level.
Corresponding figures for women under 25 were 65% and 80%, respectively (Ryan et.al. 1997).
16
Chapter 2 A Situational Analysis of Youth
(St. Bernard 1998) confirmedt hat women with higher levels of educationth ad a lower
number of pregnancies and lifetime fertility levels (6.4 pregnancies on average for
women with no education versus 1.7 for those with university education).
* Individual Characteristics. Poor self image and peer pressure combined with difficult
economic situations can lead to premature pregnancy and childbearing. Gaspard-
Richards (1998) noted that among teenagers attending government clinics in Trinidad
"early sexual activity was largely associated with low levels of self-esteem."
Information from the Medical Social Work Department of the General Hospital of
Port of Spain showed that teens frequenting this department had often failed the
common entrance examination, left school, and spent large amounts of unstructured
time at home (Sharpe and Bishop 1993). Early childbearing and association with a
"sugar daddy" in Trinidad and Tobago is often viewed as a strategy to enhance a
young woman's status as well as gain material support.
* Family Related Factors. Exposure to sexual abuse among young women is often a
precursor to teen pregnancy, since it results in a sense of powerless among victims to
control their sexual and reproductive choices in life. Interviews with 54 young
women between the ages of 14 and 19 at ante-natal clinics of the Port of Spain, San
Fernando and Scarborough General Hospitals revealed that nearly half had
experienced episodes of abuse at some point in their lives (Sharpe and Bishop
1993).25 Furthermore, intergenerationalr eproduction of teenage pregnancy is quite
common - in other words, having a teen mother is a risk factor for becoming one.
* Cultural Practices. Both main ethnic groups in Trinidad and Tobago, East Indian and
African, have cultural and religious traditions of early childbearing2.6 However,
changes in societal expectations and family structure and function mean that young
mothers today may not count on as much support from their families as in the past.
47. Early pregnancy and childbearing bear several health related and socioeconomic
consequences. Adolescent girls suffer more pregnancy and delivery complications than
women in their twenties, which puts both their own and their babies health at greater risk.
The 1987 Demographic and Health Survey (Heath et.al. 1988) found an infant mortality
rate of 43 per 1,000 in the case of adolescent mothers, in comparison to a rate of 28 per
1,000 for the 20-29 age group. Teenage pregnancy often limits educational and
employment opportunities and strains current finances, which can solidify the
intergenerationalt ransmission of poverty for poor mothers and their children2.7 Women
who begin childbearing early tend to have more children than other women, which
further jeopardizes their standard of living and that of their children. A high prevalence
of first births within visiting relationships, which researchers have documented in
communities like Laventille, indicates high paternal absenteeism, which can represent
25 These findings are similar to those from the United States. For example, Musick (1994) found that of
445 teenage mothers, nearly two-thirds reported sexual abuse, beginning on average at 11.5 years of age.
26 In a retrospective analysis of 1987 records of the Family Planning Association of Trinidad and Tobago in
San Fernando, where the percentages of East Indian and African adolescent clients were almost equal, 73%
of Indians were married in comparison to 22% of Africans, suggesting that in Indian culture, adolescents
are more likely to become pregnant within stable unions (Sharpe and Bishop 1993).
27 One survey found that 13% of females dropping out of secondary school gave pregnancy as the reason
(St. Bernard 1998). Another study of at-risk youth showed that less than 12% of teenage mothers returned
to school after the birth of their first child (Marshall 1999).
17
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
another contributor to mnaternalp overty. Young parenthood is also related to poor
parenting skills and in some cases, child neglect and abuse (Marshall 1999).
48. Although fertility in the population as a whole, and among young women in
general, in Trinidad and Tobago has been on a steady decline, certain risk groups
experience persistent high teen fertility, and early initiation of sexual activity is very
common. The fertility rate in the 15-19 age group fell from about 80 live births per 1,000
in 1985 to roughly 44 live births per 1,000 in 1997, and the percentage of all births to
teenage mothers dropped from 18% in 1980 to 14% in 1995. However, the fertility rate
in this group in Port of Spain was 96 in 1994 and 89 in 1995, up from 72 in 1990. In
terms of initiation of sexual activity, a Knowledge-Attitudes-Practices( KAP) Survey
found that over 60% of visitors to STD clinics (mainly men) had their first sexual
experience between the ages of 12 and 16 years and that only 10% were using a
contraceptive method (Ministry of Health 1992). Thirty-eight percent of females and
43% of males had initiated sexual activity by age 15 in the Marshall study (1999).
49. Early sexual activity creates increased risk for the transfer of sexually transmitted
diseases (STDs), including AIDS. While the HIV incidence rate in the general
population is estimated at only 191 per 100,000, the rates among low-income groups, and
youth in particular, are relatively high. A 1995/96 serosurvey among a sample weighted
towards lower to middle income groups revealed an incidence rate of about 1%, of which
15-24 year olds accounted for over 70%. Out of a group of STD clinic patients, about
14% tested HIV positive. The number of STD cases at Queen's Park Counseling Centre
and Clinic in Trinidad tripled between 1985 and 1987. Of immediate concern was the
rate of increase among those under 25 years of age.
Youth Crime, Drug Trafficking and Drug Abuse
50. Crime rates in Trinidad and Tobago rose rapidly during the 1980s as poverty
levels and unemployment rates increased, doubling from close to 11,000 serious offenses
in 1982 to over 19,000 by 1988.28 Since that time the number of serious offenses has
remained relatively high, oscillating from 16,000 to 19,000 (Table 2.3). Although
juvenile offenses - committed by individuals under age 16 - as a percentage of all
reported serious offenses have declined from 3.7% in 1982 to 1.1% in 1995, youths
between 16 and 25 appear to contribute dramatically to the overall burden of crime both
in terms of the number and severity of the cases. For example, in 1992, individuals in
this age group comprised about 30% of the imprisoned population; their most common
crimes included murder, kidnapping, robbery, and drug/weapon possession. Moreover,
youth crime rates are probably higher than official estimates indicate, considering the
substantial amount of unprosecuted crime2.9
51. Factors that push youth into crime include the failure of the school system to meet
their needs, large amounts of unstructured time, and high unemployment (World Bank
28 Serious crimes are those prosecuted in the High Court that carry a penalty of five or more years.
29 Deosaran (1997) points out that the courts prosecuted only 27% of serious crimes reported between 1987
and 1996 and reached convictionsf or less than 6% of cases.
18
Chapter 2 A Situational Analysis of Youth
1996). Youth that drop out of school are more likely to engage in risky behaviors that
diminishp ersonal life chances and reduce the quality of life in their communities.
52. Increased drug trafficking in Trinidad and Tobago has affected the nature of youth
crime. The country's strategic position in the Caribbean drug transit route has gained
prominence due to intensified efforts to block the traditional corridors in Mexico and
Central America. As a result, the islands have become an increasingly significant
transshipment point for cocaine3.0 Local drug traffickers and pushers appear to find easy
recruits among the ranks of unemployed and disempowered youths. Adults sometimnes
use juveniles in drug market activities, such as transportation (runners), on the
assumption that they will be less likely to be caught and convicted (Jules et.al. 1998), and
if they are, that their sentence will be lighter. Between 1994 and 1998, the under-14 age
group recorded the highest growth in arrests for marijuana possession (450%) and
trafficking (250%). Marshall (1999) also found that the drug trade tends to involve
youths in the 21-24 age range who are educated, having basic skills required by its
business and organizational aspects. At another level, the practice of paying local
traffickers in drugs, rather than money, increases the pressure to develop local markets.3'
Table2 .3: Seriousa nd Juvenile( UnderA ge 16) OffensesT, rinidada nd Tobago,1 982-1996
Year Serious Offenses Population Rate of Serious Juvenile Juvenile Offenses Rate of Juvenile
(Reported) ('000s) Offenses Offenses, as % Reported Offenses
(per 100,000) (prosecuted) Serious Offenses (per 100,000)
1982 10,697 1,122 953 399 3.7 36
1983 11,396 1,143 997 253 2.2 22
1984 11,725 1,163 1,008 270 2.3 23
1985 13,979 1,177 1,188 243 1.7 21
1986 14,361 1,189 1,208 322 2.2 27
1987 16,232 1,200 1,353 288 1.8 24
1988 19,385 1,207 1,606 363 1.9 30
1989 17,983 1,214 1,481 330 1.8 27
1990 16,202 1,220 1,328 301 1.9 25
1991 16,157 1,228 1,316 296 1.8 24
1992 17,680 1,236 1,430 279 1.6 23
1993 19,547 1,245 1,570 268 1.4 22
1994 18,618 1,253 1,486 262 1.4 21
1995 16,784 1,261 1,331 287 1.1 23
1996 18,093 1,278 1,416 - -
Source: Trinidada nd Tobago1 994,6 ; Cain 1996,1 00.
53. It is likely that drug usage among youths has climbed in recent years in light of
the growing drug trade, however, there are no recent surveys to confirm this. From the
available data, alcohol and drug use rates among youths appear to be fairly low. Studies
have employed survey questionnaires in classrooms (Bernard 1985, Remy 1985, Singh
30 Recent estimates indicate that nearly 40% of the cocaine entering the United States transits the
Caribbean. The amount of cocaine passing through Trinidad and Tobago may reach 2,000 kg per month.
31 This occurs frequentlyo n other islands (for example, Antigua, Barbuda and St. Kitts and Nevis) and may
be on the rise in Trinidad and Tobago. Local dealers and traffickersi n St. Kitts and Nevis have
consolidatede noughp owert o obstructj usticeb y intimidatingle galo fficialsa nd juries,h inderinge ffortst o
extraditea nd convictc riminals( Bureauf or InternationaNl arcoticsa nd LawE nforcemenAt ffairs1 998).
19
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
et.al. 1991), and one included youth in other training and educational settings. Most of
the youths had used alcohol, but very few had used marijuana and cocaine. In one of the
studies, students of African descent had used marijuana more frequently (15%) over the
last 30 days than East Indian students (5%). However, one-third of East Indian students
had consumed alcohol over the last 30 days, compared to only 15% of students of African
descent.
20
Chapter 3 Investing in Youth
CHAPTER 3
INVESTING IN YOUTH
54. The risk antecedents, behaviors and outcomes reviewed in the previous chapter
often bear significant economic and social costs. In some cases the economic
consequences for the youths involved, other affected parties (as in the case of crime), and
society at large may exceed the value of expenditures on preventive and remedial
interventions. This chapter examines three cases - youth crime, school dropout, and
exclusion from education - for which enough information is available to make economic
assessments and demonstrates the importance of overcoming their negative results
through targeted investments.
The Costs of Youth Crime
55. The price of criminal behaviors in Trinidad and Tobago is high. Crime produces
costs involved in investigation,a rrest, adjudication,a nd incarceration3.2 Additionald irect
costs relate to material losses to victirns and, in some cases, the health care of persons
injured by violence. Other costs result from security systems and guards required by
businesses and homes, foregone revenues from potential foreign investors and tourists,
and the migration of the urban middle class (see Annex D for a description of the model
used in this section). According to figures on the arrest, court appearances, and six-
month incarceration of one person, the unit cost crime amounted to TT$31 ,500. Adding
the loss of incomet o the individualb rings the total to TT$42,2173.3
56. Youth engaged in criminal activity are often secondary school dropouts. When
they commit a crime, society will pay not only for the associated costs but also the years
of education whose benefits stream is interrupted, measured in terms of lifetime earnings.
The approximate cost of a secondary school dropout who gets involved in crime,
measured through lost earnings (as compared to those of a secondary school graduate)
and cost of crime are approximated at TT$ 436,000 per dropout in nominal terms
(calculated from Table 3.1 ).34 The range of present value lifetime earnings for the
secondary school dropout who gets involved in crime is TT$ 357,886 to TT$ 59,237,
depending on the discount rate, even lower than for the individual who has not received
any educational degree (TT$ 362,106 to TT$ 111,517, see Table 3.1). In fact, social
returns on such an investment are negative, and such youths represent a very high cost to
society.
32 The recurrent expenditure for police was close to TT$3 million in 1993; for the magistracy, almost TT$
60 million in 1994; and for prisons, over TT$105 millioni n 1996 (Gabriel1 998).
33 The individualc ost of crime assumes6  months in prison (costingT T$ 9,205),a rrest by police (TT$
11,196.79), 5 appearances in court (TT$ 11,014.55), and loss of income (TT$ 10,800) (World Bank 1996).
Valuesa re in 1992T rinidada nd Tobagod ollars.
34 The cost of crimei s underestimatebde causei t does not accountf br other societalc osts, includingth e
victimc ost of crimea nd the loss of positivee xternalitiesg eneratedf roma n educateds ociety( see Wolfe
and Zuvekas1 997).
21
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Table 3.1: Lifetime Earnings (Social Benefits), 1992 TT$35
Nominal lifetime Present value of Present value of
Earnings lifetime earnings lifetime earnings
(r = 2%) (r = 6%)
No education 736,748 362,106 111,517
School leaving certificate 988,419 469,508 130,798
Secondary degree 1,284,034 606,304 164,006
University degree 2,301,226 994,507 222,648
Secondary dropout 967,812 452,265 118,592
Secondary dropout involved in crime 847,906 357,886 59,237
Source: Survey of Living Conditions 1992, estimatedu sing a modified version of Cohen, 1994 (Annex D).
Dropouts and Youths Excluded from Education
57. The rates of return to investments in education are high in Trinidad and Tobago.
The main measurable benefit of schooling is increased productivity, as measured in
wages. According to calculations from the 1992 Survey of Living Conditions, each
additional year of schooling increases earnings by approximately 15% for both men and
women (see Annex E, Table El).
58. The advantages of education are also apparent in the large earnings differentiaIs
among different groups. For men who had been completely excluded from the
educational system, 1992 monthly wages were around 75% of those of a male primary
school graduates and 65% of a male secondary school graduate. The monthly wages of
males with complete secondary and university education, respectively, were 1.25 and
three times that of males with a primary school education, with very similar results for
females (Table 3.2). This shows that low educational attainment has a significant penalty
in terms of earnings. In addition, higher levels of schooling are statistically associated
with higher levels of employment (Annex E, Table E2).
Table 3.2: Earnings Differentials by Education Level, 1992 (primary = 100)
Men Women
No education 76 62
Primary 100 100
Secondary 125 132
University 281 276
Source: calculations from 1992 Surveyo f Living Conditions data.
59. There are indications in terms of lifetime earnings (adjusted for the cost of
education) that secondary school dropouts, represent an inefficient investment of
resources in comparison to those who attend only primary school and obtain a school-
leaving certificate. This results from the combination of two factors: (i) the cost to
3 Social benefits are equivalentt o the value of lifetime earningsm inus the social costs of public
educationali nvestmenat nd crimep revention( nominala nd discountedt o present values,c rimep revention
costs in 1998T T$).
22
Chapter 3 Investing in Youth
society of educating these dropouts for several years in the secondary stream is higher
than the cost of just primary education, and (ii) the earnings of secondary school dropouts
are almost equivalent to those of youths who complete primary school. Discounted
lifetime earnings of secondary school dropouts are in the range of TT$ 452,265 to TT$
1 18,592, depending on the discount rate (Table 3.1). This range is lower than that for an
individual with the school-leaving certificate and significantly lower than that for a
secondary school graduate. The cost of a secondary school dropout, measured through
lost earnings (as compared to those of a secondary school graduate) were approximately
TT$ 316,000 per dropout in nominal terms.
Rationale for Investing in At-Risk Youth
60. The costs of youth crime and secondary school dropout, in addition to the high
earnings returns to education in Trinidad and Tobago, provide strong arguments for
investing in interventions to reach at-risk youth. If they are well targeted and
inexpensive, special projects would be worth the expenditure, increasing the value of
existing investments in human capital that at times do not currently bring full benefits, as
in the case of secondary school dropout (and even more with youth crime). Such
interventions not only bear large private returns, in the form of increased individual
earnings, but also significant social returns, through preserving public investment in
education, reducing the costs of crime, and generating positive externalities through
higher lifetime earnings (for example, greater economic activity). Other externalities
resulting from more schooling include increased intrafamily production, better family
health, informed choices in consumption and voting, lower probability of receiving
transfer benefits, and diminished criminal activity (Wolfe and Zuvekas 1997). The value
of these externalities are difficult to measure but may be very high.
61. The groups of concern for investment efforts include dropouts and youths
involved in crime as well as other at-risk youths identified in Chapter 2. The approach is
particularly relevant to young mothers and youths engaged in drug use and/or drug
Figure 3.1: ComparativeA nnual Unit Costs of Selected Youth Investments (TT$)
University( 1993)
VocationaVtechnicatlr aining( 1993)
Secondary schooling( 1993)
Instiktionalizedc are (1999)
Prison(1996)
0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 30,000
Source: WorldB ank 1995 and 1996; Chapter 4.
23
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
trafficking. Although data was not available to facilitate the calculation of costs related
to these outcomes, as was the case with youth crime, they are likely comparable because
in addition to direct costs (for example, medical care and child care), the outcomes are
also often associated with school dropout (and its costs). The same may even be
applicable with regard to youths characterized by less severe risk antecedents such as
residence in poor neighborhoods, having an abusive family, and unemployment,
especially since these factors are related to one another.
62. The types of programs necessary to avert the costs of negative youth development
outcomes involve targeted efforts to address the specific issues of risk behavior and help
youths gain access and remain in school. At-risk youth may not consider the future
consequences of present behavior and perceive or be able to seize the opportunities
provided through greater education. Increasing the relevance of education, orienting
training to different segments of the youth population according to risk characteristics,
and catering special efforts towards groups with the most serious challenges would
significantly diminish the costs associated with at-risk behavior. The Government of
Trinidad and Tobago and the voluntary and private sectors are already employing some
of these strategies with success, as will be seen in a review of youth services in the next
chapter. Although preventive actions are generally preferable in terms of relatively lower
costs (see Figure 3.1), as long as manifestations of risk exist, remedial efforts will also be
necessary, at the very least in order to protect previous investments.
24
Chapter 4 Youth Development Services
CHAPTER 4
YOUTH DEVELOPMENT SERVICES
63. As seen in the previous chapter, there is a strong rationale for investing in
interventions that address school dropout, youth crime and other negative outcomes
reviewed in Chapter 2. The government, private voluntary organizations and, to some
extent, the business sector have addressed these challenges through safety net programs,
training, education, sport and youth activities, family and youth services, and projects for
specific high-risk groups (see Annex F for a categorization). For the purpose of policy
planning, in addition to the types of projects that comprise the system of youth services, it
is useful to understand project characteristics, including level of spending, number of
beneficiaries, and degree of effectiveness. In describing and analyzing the system, this
chapter does not assess individual projects in detail nor examine the institutionalc apacity
of the implementing organizations3.6 Rather, it reviews the range of available services
from a system-widep erspective, thereby revealing areas for potential reform and relative
service gaps that merit more attention.
64. An analysis of interventions shows that a comprehensive youth policy would
contemplate changes in several areas of activity. The ongoing education reform will
address the current situation of exclusion and risk-generationo ver the long run; however,
until it is completed, there will be a need for alternative transitional mechanisms to
integrate at-risk youths. Government safety nets are critical for poverty alleviation but
could be better targeted at children, considering their disproportionate representation
among the poor and the important link between poverty and human capital development
at early ages. The public sector is currently reevaluating its youth training efforts and
partially shifting its role from that of a direct provider to facilitator and regulator. While
this is a move in the right direction, during this process it should avoid scaling back too
much and losing valuable institutional knowledge and leaving a large group of
adolescents unattended. The Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs and several private
companies attempt to involve youths in sport and culture projects as a means of
promotingp ositive development and avoiding undesirable influences,a lthough their scale
is small and their impact difficult to measure. Several aspects of the youth and family
services system, including institutionalization, deserve review and strengthening to
overcome current weaknesses (also see Chapter 5). Services for specific at-risk groups
provided by non-governmental organizations (for example, programs for pregnant
teens/young mothers and street children) and the government (for example, anti-drug
campaigns in schools and communities)a lso merit a more systernatica pproach.
Education Reform
65. The government is undertaking reform in basic and secondary education that
should help address problems regarding access, quality and equity, which the period of
36 It does present some indications of project effectiveness from evaluation reports of various projects (for
example, Self Help and RehabilitativeE fforts, The Civil Conservation Corp, and the Youth Training and
Employment PartnershipP rogram) and interviewsw ith administratorsa nd staff.
25
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
recession and structural adjustment had heightened. The reform involves expansion in
educational services, curriculum improvement, changes to the secondary school entrance
exam, strengthening of school-based management, and promotion of mechanisms of
parent and community participation (for example, school boards). The government first
targeted the basic education system, and currently it is focusing on secondary education.
However, even with the extensive plans for investment and recovery of losses in quality
through increasedr ecurrent expenditure,t here is a need for incremental gains that benefit
the most vulnerable groups of youths at all levels of the system.
66. Given the association of early childhood care and development (ECCD) services
with positive performance on various measures later in life, they represent an attractive
option in youth development in terms of their preventive capacity, which amounts to the
provision of future benefits through the avoidance of undesirable outcomes3.7 For the
past several years the government has invested in ECCD expansion and quality
improvement measures, in part through the Basic Education Project with financing from
the World Bank3.8 By the end of project execution, the institutional capability of the
sector will have grown, and services will be more widely available to poor families. The
project is increasing the number of places in the system from the 1995 baseline of 4,500
to 6,750 - current capacity is 5,600. This represents a climb in coverage from 37.5% to
55%, which is a significant accomplishmentb ut also reveals the continuing challenge of
coverage expansion.
67. As with ECCD, the government's strategy toward primary education is to
improve access and quality. At the forefront of its efforts is the Basic Education Project,
which includes financing for the construction and rehabilitation of schools that will
increase capacity by over 10,000 spaces, representing some 40% of incremental demand
expected up to the year 2,000. The quality improvement measures concentrate on human
resource training, curriculum strengthening, and provision of books and instructional
materials. All existing schools have access to a school maintenance fund that finances
small-scale repairs and the School Improvement Project (SIP) fund, to which schools
apply for fanding for small pedagogic projects. In order to help improve equity, the
project directs technical assistance in proposal formulationt oward high risk schools with
low resource endowments and poor student achievemen3t.9
37 Controlled studies have consistently demonstrated the benefits of ECCD participation, including
improvedsc hoola nd laborm arketp erformancleo,w erp articipatioin crime,a nd mores tablep ersonal
relationshipsE. CCDs erviceasl soc reatee fficienciyn  the useo f resourceisn  thee ducationasyl stems ince
theyr esulti nt hed ecreasoef  dropouat ndr epetition.
'S Thep rojecth as finance2d3  newp reschoocle ntersin  poorc ommunitiaens dp lanst o adda nothe2r 7 by
the year2 003. It willp rovide9 8 existingp ublicc enterws ithn ecessarsyu pplieasn dr efurbisahn other5 0.
It is improvinign - andp re-servicter ainingp rovidedb y SERVOLan d the UWI Schoolo f Continuing
Studiesfo r hundredos f teachers.A n NGOp arentaol utreachp rogramis  receivingp rojects upport.T he
projecth as also strengthenetdh e NationaCl ouncilo n Early ChildhoodC are and Educationw, hich
establishems inimumno rmsa nds tandardas,n di ncreaseidts  monitorincga pability.
39 Ther eformi ncorporateps olicyi nstrumenttsh ath ave provene ffectivein  internationarle searchi n student
performnanicmep rovementE. quippinsgc hool ibrariesa nd providintge xtbooksw erec ost-effectivien 
almos9t 0%a nd7 5%,r espectiveloyf, studiesre viewedb yt he WorldB ank( 1995b).T eachekr nowledge,
improvedth rought rainingw, as a determinanotf  effectivel earningi n around6 0% of the studies.
FurthermorSeI, P-stylper ojecths avef osterebde tters chool-basemda nagemeinnto therc ountries.
26
Chapter 4 YouthD evelopment Services
68. The government will soon initiate a comprehensive reform of the secondary
education system that should resolve its major problems after several years. The Basic
Education Project is funding the development of a cost-efficient design for secondary
schools and the pilot construction of 3-4 schools. The Inter-American Development
Bank (IDB) is financing the Secondary Education Program that will create universal
access through the expansion of existing schools and construction of 28 new five-year
schools. All double-shifted schools will be converted to single shifts, with the extension
of time spent in the classroom. A new standard 5-year curriculum emphasizing basic
subjects will gradually replace the old one with technical training. Quality improvement
will focus on teaching methodologies and skills, training, and the establishment of
assessment, performance, promotion and certification standards for students, teachers and
administrators. In order to strengthen school-based management, authority and resources
will be devolved to school boards, supervisors and principals, and a data collection and
resource allocation system will be
established. The program also has a Box 4.1: The CorcoriteL earning Center
component to support research on The Trinidad and Tobago Federation of Women's Institutes
the education system and map its establishedt he centeri n 1994 in the depressedn eighborhood
future needs. of Corcoritein  Porto f Spain. It providesa  two-yearr emedial
education program to youths aged 12 to 15 years who did not
69. Beyond Education Reform. pass the common entrance exam and were unable to gain
During the reform period sigiaf in nascecreisesst o  post-primarysc hools. Most of the studentsf ace aof problems,i ncludingl ow self-esteemd, ysfunctional
significant number of adolescents family backgrounds, abusive home environments, and
will remain outside the educational involvementi n risk behaviors( for example, early sexual
system (see Chapter 2) due to the experience, drug use, etc.). In promoting positive
lag time needed to increase capacity development,t he Center sporadicallyo ffers co-curricular
and promote better transition rates programs in basic skills training and organizes sports
activities. It also has an outreach program to improve
from primary to secondary parentings kills.
education. The plans for education
reform do not appear to consider The Center has successfullya ccessed government and
the needs of these youths for international resources and expanded operations.
remedial education and integration Enrollmenths ave increasedf rom about3 5 youthsi n 1994t o
a current level around 140. The program now exists in seven
into the system. In this regard, the other communitiensa tionwide.S tudentsa re supposedto  pay
experience of community-based a nominal fee of TT$75/month,b ut many are able to
organizations may prove very contributeo nlyw hent hey have sufficient resources.
valuable (see Box 4.1), and the
temporary expansion or replication The programp erformsw ell on its objectiveso f helpingt he
of such efforts youths pass the commone ntrancee xamninatioonr  gain a
Of such efforts through increased school leaving certificatea nd access other educationalo r
public support warrants training opportunities. For example, of 75 students registered
consideration, especially since they for the School Leaving Examinations in 1996, 56 achieved at
are relatively inexpensive.4 0 least one pass, and of these, 20 earned three or four passes.
Between 1994 and 1996, the Center placed 84 graduates in
institutions for further education or training.
40 The Center has received a government subvention for several years, and the Ministry of Education pays
the salary of one of its teachers (a retired public school teacher) at below the public sector rate. This may
prove to be a cost-effectivew ay to reach at-risk youths outside the formal system.
27
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
70. In addition to the limitations of the educational system in attending to excluded
youths, it lacks servicest hat could help address the problems of youths within the system,
such as dropout, teenage pregnancy, and violence. Experience in other countries has
shown that the provision of ancillary social services in schools has been effective in
handling these issues (Box 4.2). The education reform in Trinidad and Tobago may
succeed in making access to basic and secondary education universal for young people,
but in order to ensure the reduction of negative outcomes, the system will need to
incorporate additional interventions.
Box 4.2: Full-Service SchoolsM ake ResourcesA vailable to Neediest Students
Full-service comnunity schools build on public-private partnerships to make a variety of services
available in one place - the school. Local agencies bring the services needed in that community to
overcome barriers to education, like a family resource center, before and after school childcare,
juvenile justice programs, and primary health services. The school building is open all the time,
including evenings,s ummers, and vacations.
School-based interventionsh ave produced significant impacts:
. The Elizabeth Street Learning Center in Los Angeles is based on the concept of shared
governance, innovative curriculum and instruction, and the provision of comprehensive family
support, including a family center, primary health care clinic, extensive childcare, after-school
activities, and adult education. School outcomes have improved significantly: student
suspensions are down, test scores are up, the drop out rate is at 2% and graduation rate is 95%,
double that of their neighboring schools.
. A school in Washington Heights, New York, built on a partnership between the local school
system and an established non-profit agency in the area, Children's Aid Society, obtained a
private grant to renovate the local school and partnered with other area NGOs to establish itself in
the area's Dominican community. The school's services include a family resource center;
medical, dental and eye clinics; a part-time psychiatrist and psychologist; and social workers. In
1993, the schoolh ad 1,200 students, whose parents and siblings also participated in the program.
The unit cost per student was less than $1,000 above the cities' average educational expenditure
per child of $6,500.
. A case management programni n Fresno, California reported 40% and 70% decreases in
unexcused absences and referrals for misbehavior, respectively.
* In New York City about three-fourths of students used school-basedc linics. Of these, more than
85% said the clinic improved their abilities to take care of their bodies and to access health care
resources.
. In a Denver school, committing a drug offense leads to suspension from classes. However, the
school-based clinic now creates treatnent contracts with these students as an alternative to
leaving school, reducing suspensionsb y 80%.
. In a twelve-county study in Florida, 56% of clinics reported decline in school-reported
pregnancies,w hile rates did not change or increased in 14%a nd 31% of schools,r espectively.
Source: Drvfoos 1994
The Social Safety Net and Youth
71. Why Should Safety Nets Target Youths? In most societies youth demonstrate
higher levels of poverty in relation to other population age groups and constitute the bulk
of the poor. In general, when children work, it is out of necessity (and with low
earnings), and young adults earn less and experience higher unemployment than older
28
Chapter 4 Youth Development Services
members of the labor force. Furthermore, young women are more likely than older
women to have children, and since they are disproportionately poor, the addition of
children can further strain resources and increase poverty among the.younger segment of
the population. Trinidad and Tobago presents no exception to this general population
poverty profile, despite its slightly older population in comparison to mnanyc ountries in
the Latin America region. The poverty head count index was 34.3% among households
headed by individuals under 25 years, higher than among households in general (21%)
and those headed by older individuals (i.e., 25-34: 20.1%; 35-44: 24.1%; 45-54: 21.0%;
55-64: 20.9%; 65+: 18.4%).
72. In this context safety nets improving the welfare of children or farmiliesp lay a role
in averting the depletion or neglect of human capital.4 1 An extensive array of safety net
programs targeting vulnerable groups exists in Trinidad and Tobago, and many of the
programs benefit youth. Furthermore, both the government and international agencies
recognize that the welfare system requires reform, and any reorientation should give
special attention to the needs of children and adolescents, since they constitute the bulk of
the poor and future human capital. Correcting current distortions in the safety net system
generally could result in more resources to redirect toward the new poor, composed
mainly of families and their children, who represent the greatest current priority.
73. How Do Safety Nets in Trinidad and Tobago Relate to Youths? Based on their
potential impact on youth, the public safety net programs fall into two basic categories:
those that benefit youths indirectly and those that benefit them directly (see Table 4.1 for
some of the main features of the programs). The former type of program raises income,
or provides the means to raise it, in households that may have children - for example, old
age pensions may increase the income of poor families with children only if there is an
elderly recipient in the household. The programs of greatest relevance are the Old Age
Pension (OAP) program; Self Help and Rehabilitative Efforts (SHARE); and, the
Unemployment Relief Program (URP)4.2 The second type of program is more efficient in
reaching youths, and the most important programs in this category are the Public
Assistance (PA) program, destined for female-headed households with children (and the
disabled); the School Feeding Program, which by design reaches only those youths
attending school; and, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), a public works,
employment generation program similar to the URP but targeted to youths/young adults
aged 18-25.43
41 Theyd o this, for exampleth, roughm echanismths ata llowa voidancoef  the removaol f childrenfr om
schoool r cuttingb acko n meals.
42 Therea re otherp rogramos rientedto wardw orkert raininga nd microenterpridse velopmenbtu, t these
relatee ssentialltyo thel aborm arketw, hileth iss ectiond ealso nlyw ithp ublicw orksa ndt ransfepr rograms.
43 Theg overnmenret centlyin tegratetdh isp rogramin toY TEPPb, utt hiss ectionr,a thert hant he" training"
sectionc, oversit  becauseit  hadt he classicf eatureos f a publicw orksp rograme,s pecialliyn  the paymenotf 
a below-markreatt es tipenda nde mphasiosn  employmengte neratioann dp hysicacl apitailm provemenItt. 
did havea  skillsd evelopmencot mponenbt,u t in practicei t appearedto  remainl ess importantth an the
temporareym ploymenfut nction.
29
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Table 4.1: Characteristicso f Safety Net ProgramsB enefiting Youths
Program Responsible Eligibility Criteria for Benefits Beneficiaries/ Annual
Government year Expenditure'
Body
Old Age Ministry of * 65 years or older 59,112 (end-1997) TT$ 269m
Pension (OAP) Social and * resident for 20 years (no more
Community than5  yearst otala bsence) (Obs.:m any
Development * annual income not exceeding fTT$ recipient households
________________ 7,440 have children)
Self Help and Ministry of * unemployed and no source of 6,800 TT$ 3.5m
Rehabilitative Social and income households/month
Efforts Community * not in receipt of other public (estimated 30,000
(SHARE)2 Development assistance persons, including
20,000 children)
(end-1997)
Unemployment Ministry of * able-bodied unemployed between 60,000 TT$130
Relief Program Local 17-65 (Obs.: some youths
(URP) Government * no household income constraints may benefit
_______ _____d_ir_e_c tly) _ 
Public Ministryo f * female-headed household 48,620 (end-1997) TT$ 56m
Assistance (PA) Social and * partners have deserted/died or are (28,449 children)
Community incarceratedi/n capacitated
Development * certified disabled
School Feeding Ministry of * needy school children, informal one-third of primary TT$ 80m
Program Education targeting criteria school population,
_____________________________ app.6 3,000 children
Civilian Formerly, the * selection system prefers older 5,891 (1997) TT$25m
Conservation Ministryo f candidates with low scores on 24,656 (1993-97) (1997)
Corps (CCC) National several indices: education, level of
Security, employability,o ccupational status
Defense Force of household,a nd involvement in
Currently, conumunitya ctivities
YTEPP * age 18-25 _
public expenditure; 2 NGOs cooperate in program execution
74. The Old Age Pensions (OAP) program, with expenditures over the past few years
in the range of TT$250 million and around 60,000 beneficiaries, constitutes the single
largest program in the system and has high potential in terms of benefit diffusion to
children. In principle, receipt of the flat benefit is subject to means and asset testing, but
due to loose eligibility criteria, coverage has expanded to 80% of the population over the
age of 65 years, essentially creating a "social" or "universal" pension system in which
age is the main relevant qualifier.44 An analogous situation prevails in South Africa, for
example, and living arrangements are such that the social pension serves as an effective
mechanism of directing money to households with children (see Case and Deaton 1996),
thereby partially avoiding the dilemma faced by many countries of considering social
expenditures for the elderly or young as alternatives. Furthermore, the fraction of
children living with a pensioner is highest in lower income households, implying that the
pension disproportionately reaches children in poverty. Household survey data indicate
that a similar mechanism may function in Trinidad and Tobago.
44 This places Trinidad and Tobago among a rather limited group of countries - including Australia,
Denmark New Zealand, Bolivia, Namibia and South Africa - that provide categorical flat or means-tested
universal pensions to the elderly.
30
Chapter 4 Youth Development Services
75. The Social Help and Rehabilitative Efforts (SHARE) program has essentially the
same target group as public assistance - poor women and their children4 5 - but different
benefits and distribution mechanisms. The Ministry of Social and Community
Development has qualified around 75 non-governmental or community-based
organizations throughout the country to receive monthly grants for the procurement of
food hampers and their distribution to persons who are unemployed, have no source of
income and do not receive other government welfare assistance. The organizations are
also supposed to provide rehabilitative services to the beneficiaries. These arrangements
have proved very cost-effective - estimates show that a government agency undertaking
only the distribution component would incur more than TT$600,000 per month in salaries
alone. Recipients have generally expressed satisfaction with the program because it has
allowed them to send their children to school and redirect limited funds to other needs
while in receipt of the hampers.
76. The Public Assistance (PA) program reached 48,620 beneficiaries (28,449
children and 20,171 adults) in 1997 at a cost of TT$56m. It is more squarely directed at
vulnerable children than the previous programs, but it does have some targeting problems
- for example, lax application of eligibility criteria allow individuals to access the
program through disability diagnoses of dubious validity. In addition, it faces challenges
in the creation of incentives and mechanismst o help recipients graduate from the welfare
rolls. The duplication of benefits - created by the combination of the basic PA cash
benefit and other transfers and subsidies for food, transportation, housing and grants for
clothing and furniture, some arising from different ministries - in some cases provides a
disincentive for female household heads to pressure the labor market4.f This is
compounded by the fact that individuals can receive PA indefinitely. Moreover, there are
very few services available to facilitate their rehabilitation for reentry into the work force.
77. The safety net program most directly related to the positive development of young
adults was the Civilian ConservationC orps (CCC), which linked two national priorities -
(i) environmental protection and improvement, and (ii) relief of youth unemployment,
positive attitude (and self-esteem) development, and avoidance of socially undesirable
behavior among the youth population4.7 It accomplished this through the creation of
around 6,000 temporary job spaces per year involvingw ork on physical and social capital
improvement projects (provision of recreational/tourism facilities, productive use of
unused land/increasei n agribusiness, forest seedling production, disaster prevention, and
community development). The mission of the CCC was strategic in that it did not
overlap with those of programs oriented more toward skills development (next section).
The CCC targeted unemployedy ouths from the lowest socioeconomic level (little formal
education and low involvement in community activities). For the most part, it has
45 According to the Research, Planning and Implementation Division, Ministry of Social Development
(1997), in statistical terms "the typical SHARE recipient is female, :31-35y ears of age, educated up to the
primary level and either married or in a common law relationship, with an average of 3.6 children.
46 However, the World Bank (1996) showed through the use of probit models that the receipt of welfare did
not appear to negatively influence labor force participation among females, as it did among males.
47 The URP is similar to the CCC but generally benefits an older population. For this reason, this section
does not examine it individually.
31
Trinidada nd Tobago:Y outha nd SocialD evelopment
reached this population: the majority of participants have poor educational achievement
(equivalent to primary level School Leaving Certificate or secondary school with less
than four passes). Qualitative assessments have indicated that CCC participants were
likely to suffer from low self-esteem, feelings of failure, hopelessness and frustration.
Females benefit disproportionately( 60/40 female/male ratio), and some estimates are that
up to 20% of them are young single mothers.
78. Given Trinidad and Tobago's situation of high youth unemployment, restricted
educational opportunities,i nadequate training capabilities, and capital intensive economic
structure, the CCC represented a very attractive type of safety net program for youth.
However, in spite of the program's many positive characteristics and wide range of
benefits and the fairly direct solutions available for most of its weaknesses (Annex G
provides a description of the program's strengths and possibilities for improvement),
government recently set up its incorporation by YTEPP. This will likely imply a scale-
back in operations and uncertainty regarding future funding.
Youth Training and Employment Programs
79. Since around one-third of school-aged youths remain outside the secondary
education system as a result of limited space and dropout (Chapter 2), the government
and voluntary and private sectors have created other options through an array of training
and skills development activities. These focus on the provision of skills directly useful in
the job market or micro-entrepreneurship and related activities that strive toward labor
market clearance for youth, such as apprenticeships, scholarships and subsidies, job
placement services, special funds to finance self-employment activities, and
entrepreneurial development programs. They also often include components to improve
youths' attitudes, self-esteem and basic skills, such as literacy and numeracy - sometimes
these receive even more emphasis than the skills training function. In general, these
programs have partially met their objectives, and, although outcomes have sometimes
been below expectations and operating costs could be unsustainable if changes are not
made, they play a fundamental role in offering alternatives to secondary education and
reducing youth unemployment.
80. The main youth training and employment programs (YTEPs) in Trinidad and
Tobago (Table 4.2) together reach around 15,000 youths annually at a total cost of some
TT$50m (see Annex H for more details on the programs)4.8 The most important of these
programs include:
* the Youth Training and Employment Partnership Program (YTEPP), a limited
liability company established and funded by government;
48 As seen earlier, this section does not cover the CCC even though it did provide some skills training. Its
general features relate more closely to the safety net system (i.e., cash transfer and temporary employment
generation). In this sense, the CCC and skills training programs covered in this section fit together nicely
in terms of providing slightly different options. In other words, the CCC would likely appeal more to the
less educated and poorer segments of the youth population.
32
Chapter 4 Youth Development Services
* Junior Life Centers, Adolescent Development Community Life Centers, Skill
Training Centers and Hi-Tech Centers operated by the NGO Service Volunteered
for All (SERVOL);a nd,
* Youth Development and Apprenticeship Centers (YDACs) (former youth camps),
run by the Ministry of Social and Community Development.
Table 4.2: Main Characteristics of Skills Training and Employment Programs
Program Age Number of Training Skills Provided Stipend/ Beneficiaries/ Expenditure
Range Centers Duration IFeesy year
YTEPP 15-25 over 20 6 months numeracy, literacy, life None 10,000 * TT$30m/year
school-based skills, 70 skills courses
and 5 fill- in 14 occupational * approx.
time centers areas, preparationf or TT$1,200/
micro-enterprise student/cycle
SERVOL numeracy,l iteracy, life [TT$50/ (1999 data) * approx.
* Junior Life 10 skills and attitudinal month] 448 TT$4m/year
* Adolescent 16-19 20 14 weeks development, skills 1,699
Development courses, technical
* Skill-training 12 6 months training in computers 1,672
* Hi-Tech 3 3 months and electronics 384
YDACs 14-21 5 (I in 2 years preparation for exams, $TT45/ 1,325 * TTS17m/year
Tobago; I (residential) primary school leaving month; (250 girls;
for girls)* several certificate, trades housing 750 boys, * approx.
months training (agriculture, and meals residential TT$15,000/
(trade construction, domestic program) youthlyear
centers) and commercial sector), 325
____.___ _______ ________ job_ _p_l acement (trade centers)
* The government recently closed the ChaguaramasY DAC.
81. There are also many private sector initiatives in youth training that fit into two
broad groups. First, some private sector training is profit-oriented, small-scale and not
regulated by government. Over 500 institutions are registered with the Ministry of
Education as providers of technical and vocational training, but few have been through
any process of accreditation or validation. The value of the certification some of them
offer is questionable, and the quality of training has frequently been an issue of concern.
Second, some of the larger companies have established skills development programs for
youths in order to improve the human resource base in their respective industries4.9
These largely provide a higher level of training and benefit youths with a better
educationalb ackground, but some accept small numbers of more vulnerable youths.
82. Effectiveness of Training. The limited evidence from evaluations (mainly on
YTEPP and SERVOL) indicates that YTEP training is generally useful and meets the
demands of the market to a certain degree. Some indicators of YTEPP's success include:
requests from private sector industrial and business employers as well as state agencies
49F or example, the National Gas Company participates in the National Energy Skills Development
Program, which provides scholarships, training and company placements. The Royal Bank, through its
Royal Bank Institute of Business and Technology (ROYTEC), established a training program in 1987
because of its dissatisfaction with school leavers' skills, especially their attitudes and work ethic. An
originalt wo-week course that provided an introduction to business and personal development soon evolved
into a seven month program covering economics, accounting and marketing. Today, more than 35
companies send trainees to participate. So far, over 1,000 students have graduated.
33
Trinidad and Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
and NGOs for the customizationo f its integrated training package, high participation by
vulnerable groups, and strong demand by clients. Several tracer studies have
demonstrated positive effects of YTEPP participation on beneficiary employment rates,
earnings, rates of self-employment, labor force participation, pursuit of further studies,
literacy and numeracy, and character (for example, motivation and attitude) (see Annex
H). SERVOL graduates have also fared well, with studies showing 41% fully employed,
27% employed part-time and 2% self-employed.
83. Thematic Issues in the Youth Training Field. The youth training and
employment assistance field is currently undergoing extensive change and will have to
face both new and long-standing challenges. 0 The government has already taken
significant steps, such as establishing a National Training Agency (NTA) with the
general mission of guiding reform of the sector and initiating the restructuring of the
YDAC system. It will be important for the government and NTA to approach the
following main issues from an integrated perspective: inadequate supply of services
relative to demand, reorientation of public programs, a new role as a facilitator and
regulator, new sources of financing, market demand for training, improvement of
business and micro-entrepreneuriatlr aining, and the creation of evaluation mechanisms.
84. Supply reduction in a context of steady demand. Comparing the number of
opportunitiesi n training or public works style programs reviewed in the previous sections
(around 21,500) to the number of unemployed youths outside the school system in any
given year (perhaps 40,000 aged 16-25) reveals that the supply is inadequate in relation
to the aggregate potential demand. All programs cited the inability to accept all
applicants and the need to select from among them, usually through the use of criteria to
identify the most vulnerable- for example, the CCC calculates an index based on several
variables, including educationall evel and household income, in order to select candidates
with the lowest socioeconomic profile. The supply shortage appears to have become
more acute in light of the recent modificationo f the CCC and termination of one YDAC.
Although it is difficult to estimate the real demand by youths for different types of
training, this assessmentd emonstratest hat service expansion is a legitimate concern. The
challenge is to determine how to best accomplisha nd finance this expansion.
85. Reorientation and rationalization of public sector programs. With the goal of
improvingt he relevance of training options and reducing costs, the governmenth as made
changes in several of its programs. Funding for YTEPP has declined, and the program
has been forced to scale back and prioritize. It is searching for ways to expand its income
generating potential through the attraction of new clients while not compromising its
original task of working with the at-risk youth population. The CCC has also suffered
funding cuts and administratives hifts - the program is now under the auspices of YTEPP
instead of the Ministry of National Security. Undoubtedly, its former "military
character" will change, and it will no longer offer a stipend to participants, which was
one of its principal attractions. The government recently closed one of the five YDACs,
citing, in part, the inadequate nature of the training offered there and the desire to shift
from an expensive residential to community-based operations system. While this
50 Some of this section draws on Pantin (1997).
34
Chapter 4 YouthD evelopment Services
demonstrates the government's commendable intention to rationalize and improve these
programs, it will contribute to the reduction in options available to the most vulnerable
groups. This indicates that the lack of an integrated framework placing these types of
decisions in a larger context may undermine the final outcomes.
86. New role of government as a facilitator and regulator. The government created
the National Training Agency in 1999 in order to monitor, coordinate and ensure the
effectiveness of private and public technical and vocational training. In order to
accomplish its mission, it will undertake the followinga ctivities: (i) analysis of the labor
market to determine priority sectors and orient training activities toward them (to better
match the offer of training to employer's skills needs), (ii) development of occupational
standards and vocational qualificationsi n cooperationw ith industry representatives from
various sectors, and (iii) implementation of a system for approval and monitoring of
training provider institutions,t heir curricula and certification arrangements. It will also
need to create information sharing mechanisms among the agency, industry
representatives and small business employers, and organizations offering training
activities. The establishment of the NTA is indicative of the government's interest in
reducing its direct involvement in the provision of training and facilitating the expanded
role of the private sector (and NGOs) while ensuring high quality through regulation and
enforcement of standards. It remains to be seen whether or not the NTA will be able to
create the appropriate incentive structures to ensure cost-effectiveness and quality in
training.
87. New financing mechanisms. Public sector agencies execute most of the training
programs and provide the bulk of funding necessary to operate them from budgetary
resources (and loans in the case of YTEPP). An exception is the SERVOL program,
which is supported by own income and grants from a variety of sources. The
preponderanceo f government in the direct execution of training and recent indications of
its strategic repositioning presages a larger role for the private sector and civil society
organizations and the need to explore new financing mechanisms. One option to
guarantee a stable source of resources is through the linkage of a payroll tax on
employers - who to some degree may benefit from training activities, in the form of
better prepared job candidates - to a fund earmarked for training, as has been done
successfully in Jamaica. This provides a means of encouraging increased private sector
input into guidingt he types and nature of training to be pursued. Cost recovery - through
the careful application of tuition fees (when possible, so as not to prohibit access by the
neediest) and diversification of the client base to include organizations (for example,
government agencies and businesses)t hat can pay for the training of their employees - is
also an increasing trend. The former (passive) option (earmarking) is perhaps preferable
to the latter (active) option (cost recovery) from a social welfare perspective, but it is also
likely more distortionary.
88. Lack of market demand assessment to orient training. All organizations offering
training rely almost entirely on informal means to judge the demand for occupational
skills in the marketplace, which in turn serves as the basis for determining the types of
training to be offered. These decisions are informed primarily by ad hoc methods rather
35
Trinidad and Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
than systematic inquiries and surveys. Since the mechanisms allowing employers to
provide input for this process are weak, the chance arises for a mismatch between skills
provided by the programs and those needed in the marketplace. On the whole, the
emphasis falls on "lower-end" areas of activity that may already be saturated in terms of
the domestic market5.1 Although YTEPP and SERVOL have begun to offer information
technology courses, the number of spaces is still quite limited. However, even the most
disadvantaged segments of the youth population maintain interest in information
technology training, as seen in a recent participatory assessment (World Bank 1999).
89. Improvement of business and micro-entrepreneurialt raining. Considering poor
private sector employment creation and public sector retrenchment, there has been a
strong logic for training programs to convey entrepreneurial skills for self employment
and informal sector activities, which might serve as a relief valve to supply side pressure
on the labor market. However, limited inclination or ability on the part of youths and
poor access to credi5t2 appear to have reduced the success of microenterprise as an
employment and income generation mechanism. Tracer studies, which follow the
outcomes of a sample of graduates at certain points in time, done by SERVOL and
YTEPP reveal that only around 2% and 8%, respectively, of graduates surveyed were
operating their own businesses. Part of the poor performance in the microenterprise
sector may also have its roots in the lack of optimal training provided by the YTEPs,
which face significant challenges in finding the right fit between the capability and vision
of the youths and specific areas of training that allow for the development of marketable
services or products. For example, according to one youth in a focus group, there is a
limit to the number of tie-die artists that the market can support before crowding out
occurs, yet the training programs do not take this into account (Pantin 1997).
90. Limited Evaluation. The YETPs maintain little hard data on the outcomes of their
graduates. This presents serious difficulties for methodologically sound evaluation. The
YTEPP and SERVOL have conducted tracer studies, but unfortunately, the methods used
in each case were different, limiting possibilities for meta-analysis and comparison. On
top of this, government bodies dealing with youths have made no significant effort to do
a comprehensive evaluation of the YTEPs' performance, thus sacrificing the chance to
learn what functions most effectively through a comparative approach. The YTEPs and
government need to strengthen data collection, analysis and coordination of evaluation,
with the adoption of similar methods. The NTA could play an important role in this
regard that is not currently envisaged.
51 Notet hatt his is partlya  resulto f then eedt o accommodatthee  characteristiocsf the targetp opulation,
that may not be ready for training in more advanced areas because of a poor educational background.
52 Fund Aid, SERVOL's credit arm, loans to communities and individuals who cannot secure a loan in
commercial institutions. It has provided funding on a limited basis to youths from SERVOL's training
programs, but its main clients are poor women, and the total number of direct beneficiaries is still low,
probably less than two-thousand.
36
Chapter 4 Youth DevelopmentS ervices
Sport and Youth Activities
91. Youth-servingo rganizationsin  many countriesh ave relied on sports as well as
recreationala nd cultural activities to engage youthsa nd promote positive behaviors. This
approachi s especiallyw ell receiveda mongy ouths in Trinidada nd Tobago, given the
often-citedr equestsf or communityr ecreationafla cilitiesa s an alternativeto  "liming,"t he
equivalent of "hanging out." However, despite this advantage and others (for example,
the abilityt o attracta t-riskc lients),t heset ypeso f activitiesh ave limitedc apacityi n terms
of education and training. Both the government and private sector have supported such
initiatives but could use them more effectively to direct beneficiaries toward other types
of services.
92. The government has integrated sport and other areas of youth interest (including
culture) into an explicit strategy of youth development through the operations of the
Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs. The Ministry's expenditure in recent years has been
around TT$30m5,3 of which approximately two-thirds has gone toward the support of
sports (see Annex I for details of expenditure on a sample year). The Development
Program in 1995, for example, involved infrastructure investments of over TT$10m on
projects such as indoor sports halls, recreation grounds, swimming pools and court
surfaces. That year the Ministry gave financial assistance of over TT$1m to youth
sporting organizations.
93. The Ministry also operates six youth centers and promotes mechanisms of
developing youth leadership. The centers are located in poor neighborhoods, and each
serves as a focal point for up to 300 youths, who can participate in organized recreational
and cultural programs. They recently began offering training in information technology
on a small scale, charging a small tuition, and they also serve as a venue for transmitting
information on sexual and reproductive health through workshops and drug abuse
prevention and outreach efforts through the National Alcohol and Drug Abuse Prevention
Program (NADAPP). Ministry staff conducts the leadershipt raining program for youths
interested in developing community improvement projects. The centers and training cost
around TT$600,000a nd TT$1.3m annually.
94. The private and voluntary sectors have also become active in sponsoring sport
and culture as a means of promoting youth development. For example, much of the
National Gas Company's (NGC) youth outreach has focused on sports and infrastructure
development. It has financedt he constructiono f basketball courts in 33 communitiesa nd
supported 192 teams and more than 2,000 players. In a new initiative, NGC is financing
the construction of basketball courts in schools. NGC will also support a program in
track and field, under the leadership of Olympic athlete Hasely Crawford and in
cooperation with the Ministry of Energy, Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs, and the
University of the West Indies. Several companies, including Carib (a beer company),
British Gas and Cable and Wireless, and the Power Generation Company (PowerGen),
are active in youth sports, sponsoringc ricket in secondary schools and the national teams.
Regarding culture, much company and community effort has focused on music (Box 4.3).
5 This excludes expenditureso n the YDACs, which are under the Ministry's administration.
37
Trinidad and Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
Box 4.3: Youth Developmenta nd Cultural Expression- The Case of Music
The voluntarya nd private sectorsh ave taken leadershipi n providingo pportunitiesf or youth to
participatein  culturala ctivitiesb y organizinga nd promotings teelp an bands. Theyi nvolvem alea nd
female youthsr angingi n age from5  to 35 years. Someo f the bands are activea ll year long, with
activitiesc ulminatingi n the steel pan band competitiond uring Carnival,f olloweds hortly by the
annual "Best Village Competition,"w hich brings in the best performingg roups throughoutt he
country. Thes teelp an bando riginatedin  Trinidada nd Tobago,s o the populationh olds great pridei n
pan music. In addition,t hey have integratedc alypsom usic,a notheri ndigenousm usic form. The
steel pan bandso ccupyt he idle time of youtha nd builds ocial capitali n the communitiews hilee ven
offeringa  resourcef or the constructiono f nationali dentity.
95. Although the youth sports and culture activities supported by the Ministry and
private and voluntary sectors succeed in occupying youth's idle time and contribute to
positive development, they have limited potential to transfer useful skills. Furthermore,
aside from support for training to improve the human resource base in specific industries,
most corporate resources for youth development appear destined for sports sponsorship,
which in some ways offers a relatively "easy" way for them to demonstrate involvement
while avoiding the development of specific projects. In order to have a stronger impact,
these actors may want to redirect their investment priorities or procure ways to improve
the benefit-added of existing practices. One way of making their work more meaningful
might be to attempt to link the sports and culture programs to educational and skills
development projects, thereby taking greater advantage of the ability of sports and culture
to draw at-risk youths and using it as a mechanism to encourage their transition to other
developmental experiences.
Family and Youth Services
96. The government has established or supports services for youths without an
appropriate family care environment. It is this population of youths that confronts the
toughest challenges, given that the most fundamental social support structure - the family
- has not met their developmental needs. Since the main mode of service provision
(institutional care) is relatively expensive, government has also created mechanisms such
as non-material family support and probation to allow the youths to remain within their
families when possible, while hopefully improving their conditions. However, the former
type of intervention (institutionalization) has historically suffered a variety of limitations,
both internationally and in Trinidad and Tobago, and the latter type of service (family
support and probation) is severely restricted in scope.
97. Institutionalization. Institutional care facilities attend to youths whose families
cannot provide necessary inputs for positive development and to youths who have come
into conflict with the law. In both situations the courts may apply remand in custody or
assignment to an institution for care (status offenders) or punishment (criminal offenders)
38
Chapter 4 Youth DevelopmentS ervices
(see Chapter 5). The age of the youth and the nature of the "offense5"4 determine the
institutional destination: children's homes (formerly known as orphanages), single-sex
"industrial schools" - this name from the Children's Act (1925) has remained, but these
residential facilities actually offer little in the way of "industrial" training - or the Youth
Training Center (YTC) (see Table 4.3). In the case of status offenses, such as situations
in which the parents are unfit to provide care, the court may assign the youths to a
children's home when it cannot arrange for substitute care-givers through adoption or
"fit-person" orders. Convictedj uvenile offenders (under age 16) normally go to single-
sex correctional industrial schools, while the Youth Training Center (YTC) receives
delinquent boys aged 16-18 years at the time of convictioni n juvenile or adult courts.
98. The children's homes and industrial schools for girls and boys essentially attempt
to accomplisht he functions of the family for some 800 youths who live in them. Most of
the youths enteringt hese institutionsc ome from families in poverty. Many have suffered
neglect or abuse, and others have become involved in delinquency (see Chapter 2)."
Therefore, the institutions maintain an integral approach in which they address the
youths' physical, emotional, educational and recreational needs. They provide some
services on site, such as basic and remedial education, and link up to off-site services
when possible - for example, some youths attend SERVOL and YTEPP training
programs, etc. The institutions require a fairly large staff to perform all necessary
functions - St. Mary's, St. Dominic's and St. Jude's all employ over 60 persons, and St.
Michael's has a staff of 46. Since not all staff members are involved in direct supervision
of the youths and work on staggered shifts, the actual supervisor-youthr atio can be very
low (1:25 at St. Dominic's and 1:53 at St. Michael's). Salary payments for staff account
for most expenditure (around 80% on average) and lead to an annual cost per beneficiary
of around TT$17,500 (US$2,800).
99. In additiont o the institutionalc are facilities, there are over 20 smaller homes and
half-way houses established within the past 15 years by non-governmentala nd religious
organizations (Christian, Hindu and Islamic) that attend to essentially the same
beneficiary population but in smaller groups of 5 to 40 children. The governmenth as a
long record of supporting the traditional, large homes (the children's homes and
industrial schools) and frequently finances the smaller new homes with contractst hrough
the Ministry of Social and Community Development. The homes use community
networks to the extent possible, for example, by placing the children in neighborhood
schools and training facilities and mobilizing resources from local individuals and
businesses. Like their larger counterparts, they also organize religious, cultural and
recreational events; provide on-site services such as remedial education; attempt to
conduct individualc ounseling and family outreach. Their main advantage is their smaller
scale.
54 Deosarana nd Chadee( 1997)n ote that it is "ratherp eculiar"t hat the courts considers ituationss uch as
destitution as "juvenile offenses."
5 In a sample of children from St. Dominic's and St. Mary's, the most frequent age range was 5-9 years,
70%w ereo f Africand escent,7 0%w erem ale,a t least 68%h ad been abusedo r neglected5, 0%/w0 eref rom
single-parenht ouseholdsa, nd 23% had been born to teenagem others( Sharpea nd Bishop1 993). Fifty
percenta nd 70%,r espectivelyh,a d no contactw itht heirm othersa nd fathers.
39
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
Table 4.3: InstitutionalC are Facilities - Main Characteristics
Institution Foundingy ear Target population Number of Annual expenditure'
and organization beneficiaries and unit costs
St. Dominic's 1871, Roman Accepts children 265 TT$5m,
Children's Home Catholic Church aged 0-10, who may (60-65% male) approx.
stay until age 16, by TT$19,000/beneficiary
law _ _ _ _ _ _ _
St. Mary's 1857, Anglican Accepts children 200 TTS4m,
Children's Home Church aged 0-1O,w ho may (115 male, 85 approx.
stay until age 16, by female) T1'$20,000/beneficiary
law__ _ _ _
St. Michael's 1889, British Boys aged 10-16 160 TT$3m,
School for Boys Government approx.
TT$ 19,000/beneficiary
St. Jude's School 1889 Girls aged 10-16 167 TT$2m,
for Girls approx.
______________ __ ____________ _____ r_T_$_ _1_2_,0_0_0_/_b_e_n_e_fi_c_ia ry
This refers only to the government subvention, of which around 80% goes to staff salaries. The
institutions also receive donations, which add a small amount to their overall budget, but often these are
linked to specific initiatives within the institution (for example, a training course).
100. All the institutions and homes face common challenges in improving their
services, and some aspects of their operations also merit reconsideration and
modification. The main issues relate to the lack of qualified staff, need for better
reintegration of youths into communities after they leave the institution, too little work
with the families to improve their relations with interned youths, inadequate
arrangements to accommodate youths interned for different reasons (for example, status
vs. criminal offenses), and high unit costs.
101. Lack of qualifiedpersonnel. In spite of good intentions in many cases, the staff of
the institutions are not properly prepared to execute necessary functions. In part, since
salaries are low, so are the required qualificationsf or employment- often only a primary
school leaving certificate. In some situations, the low pay has ultimately contributed to
poor management, including record-keeping and information analysis, and high
absenteeism. Specializedp sychologicala nd social work skills are largely lacking among
staff, which is a serious issue, considering that most of the children have experienced
very traumatic life events, such as neglect, abuse, abandonment, malnourishment, and
time on the streets. Part of the problem is that there are limited training opportunities
available for staff to improve their skills. While the National Family Services division
has developed a curriculum, there still remains a need for specialized training (for
conflict mediation, psychology,e tc.).
102. Reducing stigma and better reintegratingy ouths in their communities. The social
stigma associated with the institutions hurts the youths' "reintegration" into the larger
society after release. It may diminish their chances of securing employment, and
anecdotal evidence suggests that most initial placements are made possible only through
informal contacts and the good will and commitment of staff. The youths rarely return to
their families since the families generally have not been prepared to accept them and may
still present the conditionst hat initiallyc aused the youth to be institutionalized. The final
40
Chapter 4 Youth DevelopmentS ervices
result is that, upon leaving the institutions, the youths are often unfit to live
independently5.6 For this reason the Ministry of Social and Community Development
installed a new halfway house for youths who have no alternative accommodation. The
project has a social worker and a psychologist to help the youths through this difficult
transitional phase. However, advocacy work for these children could help mobilize
support for their plight, redress the stigma associated with having lived in a children's
home, and encourage more community-generateds olutions. Similarly, there is a need for
more comprehensive services (for example, counseling and training) to prepare the
youths for leavingt he institutions.
103. Little family involvement. Due to both financial and human resource constraints,
the institutions do little work with families to address the conditions and behaviors that
contributed to their children's institutionalization (see following section on family
services). While many parents apparently visit their children periodically, for all
intensive purposes, they relinquish their childcare/parentingr esponsibilities to the state.
In this regard, it would be desirable to establish stronger mechanisms, when possible, to
liaise with families and potential caregivers and encourage and capacitate them to
facilitate the reintegration of these youths into their communities.
104. Inadequate accommodation arrangements. The practice in the courts of
prescribing custody on remand57 creates a mixture of convicted offenders and those
awaiting judgement in the institutions - this occurs mainly in the industrial schools but
also to a limited extent in the boy's and girl's homes. Furthermore,t he courts often place
together in the institutions youths who committed mere "status" or trivial offenses, such
as the "use of obscene language," with more serious offenders. Observers of the system
claim that the latter may "corrupt" the former by acting as negative role models. In an
attempt to create more appropriate living environments, the institutions have broken
down dormitory arrangements into smaller group living spaces that, under the care of a
supervisor, take on a more "family-oriented"f eel and allow for closer monitoring.58
105. High cost of institutionalc are. Due to their staffing requirements and provision
of integral care, the institutions incur relatively high costs. The children's homes and
industrial schools spend approximately TT$17,500 on average per beneficiary on an
annualb asis5.9 Upgrading services to an optimal level could add considerably to this
figure. While there is general recognition that the public sector has an important role to
play in ensuring the welfare of these youths, government has expressed a desire to
procure less costly options, such as cooperation with the community-based homes
56 The mosts trikingm anifestatioonf  this problemr elatest o the "over-the-wallb" oyso f St. Mary's Home,
who after leaving the institution at age 16, built and lived in make-shift shelters near the walls of the
institution while trying to ensure their subsistence. Clearly, they did not even have an idea of where to go
to start their lives outside the home.
57 One study indicated that forty percent of youths at the industrial schoolsa nd YTC were there on remand
(Deosaran and Chadee 1997) and that this may increase to as high as 90% at the YTC (Trinidad and
Tobago 1994).
5S This also implies allowing siblingst o stay in the same group.
$9 Still, one could argue that in the context of the overall budget, TT$ I5 m is not too much to spend for a
necessary service of this nature.
41
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
operated by NGOs. The key to this strategy is to establish the proper regulations and
incentives, as is the case in other sectors of youth development (for example, training) -
the variable quality of community-based alternatives means that quality control will
remain an important issue. The government has also referred to strengthening family
support services and probation as cost-effective alternatives to long-term institutional
care for some youths, but the effectiveness of these services is largely unknown. Also,
given their current rather fragile institutional capacity, they would require significant
investment to become relevant on a larger scale, as will be seen in the following section.
106. Family Services Division. The government established the National Family
Services Division in 1990 during a period of heightened attention to the issue of child
abuse. It deals principally with intra-familial abuse, violence and neglect toward children
or any other family member (especially women), and cases involve incest, rape,
psychological problems, substance abuse and economic difficulties. Its broader functions
include the protection of children, referral of youths in conflict with the law, monitoring
of the youth institutions and homes6,0 development of family services training programs,
and accompanying developments in legislationr elating to the family.
107. The Division performs a combination of casework, referral and prevention. A
very small staff of 10 covers all of Trinidad - there is a regional coordinator, childcare
officer and family case worker for each of three regions on the island. They receive over
1,000 potential cases per year and are able to service only several hundred of them. The
main case management tools are counseling, monitoring and referral to other services. In
the case of child care, for example, adoption is limited - there is currently no foreign
adoption by law, and formal adoption domestically is not widely practiced. The Children
Act contains a provision for placing a youth in the care of"a relative or fit person," but a
formal foster care system, with provisions for registration, monitoring and inspection, is
still lacking.°6
108. Service expansion and increases in efficiency are important issues since the
demand for family services currently surpasses the capacity of the Division, as evidenced
by the large volume of referrals from a variety of sources that it is unable to service.
With a staff under 15 and annual expenditures of only around TT$100,000 on salaries,
the contracting of more extensive services may represent a feasible and valuable strategy,
especially since the government is interested in alternatives to more expensive residential
care options. There also appear to be opportunities for improved cooperation with other
actors and expansion of operations through the introduction of new institutions. For
example, the Ministry of Culture and Gender Affairs has a domestic violence hotline and
multi-disciplinary counseling centers but maintains little interaction with the Division on
this issue. The Children's Authority, if created (see Chapter 5), will bear responsibility
60 Althought he Ministerm ay revokec ertificationo f the children'sh omesa nd industrials chools,a ccording
to the Director,t he Divisionh as to rely on moral suasioni n dealingw itht he staff or administrationo f the
homesw ithr egardt o changingc onditionso r practices. TheC hildren'sA ct (1925)d oesn ot hold provisions
for the monitoringo f the newerc ommunity-basehdo mes,a  situationb einga ddressedu ndert he newb ill for
a "CommunityR esidencesF, osterC area nd NurseriesA ct, 1999"( see Chapter5 ).
61 The bill for a "CommunityR esidences,F oster Care and NurseriesA ct, 1999" would improve the
structureo f the formalf osterc are system.
42
Chapter 4 Youth DevelopmentS ervices
for the regulation of homes and foster care (as well as day care centers), which would
allow the Division to concentratem ore effectively on active case work.
109. Probation Services. The Probation Services Division is better staffed, with 28
officers, than the Family Services Division, but it still encounters some of the same
challenges. In addition to adult cases, it generally accompanies around 310 juvenile
cases (70 criminal and 240 status) per year - each case is normally active for one to three
years. The probation officers must do court work, monitoring cases as they progress
through the judicial system - a process they feel should be assigned to court personnel -
and then follow the cases after they have been decided. According to the Children Act,
the Chief Probation Officer (CPO) is also the Chief Inspector of the industrial schools
and orphanages. The Division conducts remedial therapy (on topics including sexuality,
drugs, motivation and self-esteem), group counseling, and literacy programs for
beneficiaries.
110. As with the Family Services Division, staff members of the Probation Services
state that they cannot keep pace with the case volume and provide the service necessary
to achieve greater success with their charges. In this sense, the Probation Division could
be considered another potential candidate for investment and expansion - its annual
expenditure amounts to only around TT$2m, of which salaries account for over three-
quarters. Here again, some institutional issues will demand clarification. For example,
the Chief Probation Officer, in the capacity of Chief Inspector of the institutional care
facilities, and the probation staff, in a supportive role to this function, present some
overlap with the Family Services Division. A Children's Authority with power to
regulate the institutions would also make this function of the CPO unnecessary. In the
case of a new remand home that has been constructed but not yet opened, doubt remains
as to which government division will be responsible for its operations. Defining more
accurately the specific tasks of each governmental agency and setting clear institutional
boundaries would improve accountabilitya nd efficiency.
Programs for Specific Risk Groups
111. Different conditions of risk among adolescents (for example, school failure,
adolescent pregnancy, drug abuse, institutionalization because of delinquency, etc.)
appear to be related to each other and to an underlying set of antecedents (for example,
abuse, low quality schools, living environment lacking critical resources) (see Chapter 2).
Aside from ECCD services and orientation regarding good parenting provided by NGOs,
there are few mechanismso f detecting and preventing risk behavior as the child advances
through primary education and into adolescence. Although the youth employment
training programs have the general goal of keeping youth out of trouble, they offer little
concrete in the way of targeting specific risk behavior. Other specialized preventive
efforts tend to concentrate on single risk factors, as do rehabilitative projects for older
children and adolescents.
112. In the area of adolescentpregnancy, NGOs have been the main force behind the
implementation of preventive and remedial interventions. The Family Planning
43
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
Association of Trinidad and Tobago has trained over 500 peer counselors, working with
youths both in and out of school, and Families in Action also initiated a similar program.
The Child Welfare League created a program called Choices in 1993, which aims to (i)
improve parenting skills of teenage mothers and provide them with health counseling and
child daycare services, (ii) implement a family life education program in secondary
schools and community centers, and (iii) disseminate information on family planning,
child rearing, nutrition, domestic violence and abuse. In practice, it has concentrated on
an eighteen-month program for teenage mothers in three centers, each of which serves
about 15 beneficiaries, on total annual expenditures of around TT$400,000. In addition
to health and parenting information,t he young mothers acquire literacy training and basic
skills (for example, garment construction and food preparation) and support to continue
their formal education. In evaluative focus group sessions and interviews, participants
have cited improved parenting skills and self confidence, and repeat pregnancies are less
comrnon among this group than teenage mothers not participating in the program.
113. The government has been active in combating drug trafficking and drug use
through measures to reduce supply and demand. Of primary interest regarding youth are
strategies to limit demand, which have been coordinated by the National Alcohol and
Drug Abuse Prevention Program (NADAPP) since 1985. It employed the following
strategies, among others, in a two-phase program funded by the United Nations Drug
Control Program (US$1.15m, 1996-1999): public education and information;
community-based prevention activities; and, school drug education. However, the
program was modest in size, and there was limited evaluation of results. The
government, in its draft National Drug Strategy Master Plan 1998-2002,r ecognizes these
deficiencies and calls for renewed effort in all these areas. Rehabilitative services exist
on a very limited basis in some public hospitals and private clinics.
114. In addition to the court-appointedc hildren's homes and institutions for boys and
girls (section 3.4.2), youths who have difficult family situationsa nd who are at risk from
spending time on the streets, the so-called "street children," are the focus of a variety of
small-scale projects operated by NGOs (see Ibabao 1998). These include the Marian
House, the Credo Foundationa nd the YMCA in Port of Spain, and the Hope Center in La
Brea and Ferdines Home in Point Fortin. They form a loose network and have a system
of referrals. For example, Marian House has both an outreach and a residential program
serving around 20 boys, and both the Credo Foundation and YMCA provide
complementary day activities centered on recreation, education and counseling6.2 The
homes are "open" - allowing the youths a fair amount of independence - and emphasize
supervised family counseling and therapy sessions as a prelude to potential family
reunification. In this regard, they provide a valuable alternative model to the government
institutions. The government often supports these projects with contracts through the
Ministry of Social and Community Development. Still, cooperation has not matured to
the extent necessaryt o allow for significant service improvement or expansion.
62 Ibabao (1998) notes a "gender gap" in services since there are few projects catering to females. This is
likely a result of the fact that the great majority of youths on the streets are male.
44
Chapter 5 Policy and Legal Context and Institutional Capacity
CHAPTER 5
POLICY AND LEGAL CONTEXT
AND INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY
115. Strengtheningm any of the services reviewed in the previous chapter will require
improvements in policy, legislation and institutionalc apacity. This chapter discusses the
current institutional context for the imnplementationo f youth programs, government
efforts to develop a new youth policy, and existing and planned legislation relating to
youth. In each of these areas, it identifies implications for the relevant institutionala nd
organizational structures, which are generally deficient. Unless the government plans
appropriately, this situation could become more serious with the addition of new
institutions and responsibilitiest hrough the enactment of proposed policy and legislation.
The Context of Youth Policy Implementation - Main Issues
116. An improved environment for the development and implementation of a youth
policy will likely result from the government's efforts to shift its role from service
provider to facilitator and regulator and achieve greater decentralization, cost-
effectiveness, and stronger partnerships. However, three broad issues will merit special
attention so that this process proceeds successfully. First, the public service delivery
structure is extensive but inefficient. Second, although government has already
cooperated at length with civil society organizations and the business community, it
could do this on a more systematic basis. Third, a wide array of government-appointed
commissions have presented analysis and recommendations on specific topics in youth
developmentt hat have resulted in little concrete action6.3
117. Institutional Overlap. Several ministries are involved in the planning and
implementation of youth policy and programs.64 As Deosaran (1998) observes, the
division of responsibilities in the public apparatus is clear when the nature of the
interventions is very different (for example, education vs juvenile homes). On the other
hand, in certain areas such as training, the lack of definition of roles among ministriesh as
given rise to overlaps. For example, programs sponsored by the Ministry of Culture and
Gender Affairs, Ministry of Social Development, and Ministry of Sports and Youths
Affairs offer training without a commnonu nderlying strategy, which would help clarify
areas of comparativea dvantage. As seen in Chapter 4, the establishment of the National
Training Agency should help address this issue, but in other areas there is need for a
similar coordinating body or mechanism. Although the Ministry of Sport and Youth
Affairs has this role at a general level, it has yet to finalize the National Youth Policy,
63 This has created unfulfilled expectations and, as a consequence,n oticeable cynicism among youth and
those working in the youth development field.
64 These include the Ministries of Education; Sport and Youth Affairs; Social and Community to
Development; Information,C ommunication,T raining and Distance Learning; Attorney General; and, Legal
Affairs. The work of other ministries( for example, Planning and Development,H ealth) relates tangentially
to the main themes of youth developmentd ealt with in this report.
45
Trinidad and Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
which should have as a fundamental goal the allocation of responsibility among the
relevant governmentb odies.
118. Ad-hoc Involvement of Civil Society and the Private Sector. There are many
civil society organizations working on youth issues in Trinidad and Tobago, but they
suffer from some of the classic problems of the non-governmental sector. In a 1995
report, the World Bank noted that, with a few exceptions( for example, SERVOL), NGOs
in the country operate with insufficient staff (especially in technical fields), in the
absence of a clear regulatory framework, without mechanisms to measure performance,
and with substantial financial constraints. In order to ameliorate these problems, the
Bank recommended measures to (i) promote a network of NGOs, (ii) strengthen their
capacity, and (iii) establish an accreditation process to promote fuirther contracting by
government. Deosaran (1998) also advocatesa  certifications ystem for NGOs as a means
of maintainingq uality standards.
119. Current collaborationb etween the governmenta nd the private sector is mainly on
an ad-hoc basis. As indicated in Chapter 4, several private sector entities, such as Royal
Bank and BP Amoco, offer training or support governmentp rograms such as the Adopt a
Community Program. However, there are areas in which the government could
encourage more significant private sector participation in service provision through the
creation of incentives and enabling mechanisms6.
120. Lack of Follow-up. The government has frequently appointed committees with
representativesf rom various sectors of society to study topics of social concern and make
recommendations. Very often the analysis and proposed actions are appropriate;
however, they have generated few results. Deosaran (1998) reviewed the findings of
several committees on youth issues that government acted on only partially or not at all.
These includedt he work of the following bodies: Government Appointed Task Force on
Crime (1996); National Consultation on Violence and Indiscipline in the Schools (1989);
Cabinet Appointed Comrnitteeo n Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime 21994); and,
Government Appointed Task Force to Review Children's Homes ([997).6 Although
youth development demands a considerablea mount of attention, little has taken place, in
concrete, over the past several years to follow up on the most pressing issues.
National Youth Policy
121. The ongoing efforts by the government to develop a national youth policy provide
an opportunityt o address the difficulties experienced until now through the identification
of institutionalo verlaps and new areas of responsibility, definition of policy to stimulate
greater involvement of civil society organizationsa nd the private sector, and creation of
an action plan with measurable indicators to ensure follow-up.
65 An example is tax incentives for organizations that sponsor the development of youth activities at the
community level.
66 These representj ust a few of many examples.
46
Chapter 5 Policy and Legal Context and Institutional Capacity
122. In July of 1998 the government appointed a Special Task Force comprising 29
representatives from various government ministries, civil society organizations, youth
associations and academia to formulate a national youth policy under the coordination of
the Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs. The Task Force has held extensive
consultations with key stakeholders throughout the country and produced a background
document outlining policy objectives, priority target groups, strategic areas and
recommendations6.' Annex J provides a summary of the key features that the policy will
contain:
123. The background document prepared by the govermnent is a good start for the
preparation of the final policy. It accurately reflects the issues and concerns of youth in
the country, which were confirmed by the findings of the World Bank mission and the
social assessment conducted for this report (Marshall 1999). However, the current draft
largely bypasses the concerns stated earlier, demonstrating the need to face them in the
next version. Moreover, having followed a highly participatory process, the government
has raised expectations among youth, and responding to them will be a major challenge.
124. At this stage the youth policy document is still very broad and does not contain
enough detail to make a thorough assessment, other than to note that it could face
problems in implementation without careful development. It defines policy objectives,
some of which would be difficult to implement due to their ambitious nature and lack of
specificity.6 8 The recommendations cut across many different sectors (for example,
education, health, and employment); range from practical operational proposals (for
example, construct more facilities for children who lack family care) to reforms and
changes in processes and systems (for example, improve judicial system); and would
require intervention at different levels by various actors including government agencies
and civil society organizations (see Box 5.1). However, the document falls short in
assessing the level of commitment from these agencies and the institutional changes and
resources required to execute the different policy components.
Box 5.1: Beneficiary Participationi n Policy Planning - UNIGEM
The inclusiono f youthg roupss ucha s the UnitedN ationsG eoguthicM ovemen(tU NIGEM)in  policy
planningw oulda llowf or beneficiaryp articipation.U NIGEMis  a youthm ovemenat ffiliatedw itht he
UnitedN ationsI nformationC enteri n Port of Spain. Over 100 membersb etweent he ages of 17 and
23 years take part in the organization. It has presenteda  proposalf or a Youth Parliament o the
AttorneyG eneral and is awaitingt he draft legislationf rom the Law Commissiona nd Legislative
Council. UNIGEMi s also promotingt he inclusiono f a provisiona gainsta ge discriminationin  the
text of the EqualO pportunityB ill. ConsideringU NIGEM'si mpressivere cordi n advocatingy outh
issues,i t wouldb e an ideal youthg roupf or the governmentto  invitet o help in the implementation,
monitoringa nd evaluationo f the nationaly outhp olicy.
125. Institutional constraints are likely to hamper proper implementation of the policy.
The Division of Youth Affairs of the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs would bear
67 DraftB ackgroundD ocumento n the NationalY outhP olicy,A ugust1 6, 1999.
68 Exampleso f the eight policy objectivesi nclude: "the promotiono f unity and equitya mong all young
peoplei n the country,"a nd "the developmenitn  all youtho f a socialc onsciousness."
47
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
overall responsibility for the youth policy, yet it is currently not equipped to undertake
such a task. Its limited human and financial resource capacity will demand substantial
changes in order to meet the demands to plan and implement programs, monitor progress,
carry out research and improve data collection, provide training, and coordinate activities
with other government agencies, private sector, non-governmental organizations and
youth groups. The background document for the youth policy recognizes this but makes
no clear provisionst o address it.
126. Information on youth will be key to the conclusion of the policy planning process
and posterior adjustments during implementation. Presently, no mechanisms exist for
continuous data collection concerning child abuse, homeless children and youth, and
children and youth placed in institutional care. Efforts such as those of the Ministry of
Social and CommunityD evelopment to develop and maintain a management information
system including indicators on children under difficult circumstances should receive
more support.
The Legal Context
127. There are three basic problems with the legal provisions and dispensation of
justice for children and youth: (i) inconsistency across legislation; (ii) inadequate
structure of legal institutions to provide specialized services to families and youths; and
(iii) insufficient institutional capacity at the ministerial level to implement laws and
regulations. This section addresses these issues through a review of existing and planned
legislation and its compliance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the
Child, where applicable. Currently, there are 23 laws relating directly to children and
youth and five acts for additional legislation under the consideration of Cabinet. The
adoption and execution of the proposed legislation should have many positive effects,
including improvements in the situation of institutionalized children, options for foster
care, court handling of issues affecting youths and families, and consistency in terms and
precepts. However, without appropriate measures to increase the capacity of institutions
responsible for putting the legislation into practice, its effectiveness will remain severely
limited.
128. Existing Legal Provisions and Legal Structure. Inconsistencies in the legislation
affecting youths arise in the definitions and ages applied in different laws, resulting in the
under-protection of certain youth. For example, the Children Act defines a "child" as a
person under the age of 14 years and a "young person" as one aged 14 to 15 years. At the
same time, the Age of Majority Act (46:06) provides that a person under age 18 is a
"minor." This means that "minors" aged 16-17 are not eligible for protection under the
current provisions of the Children Act, which has serious consequences in terms of
alternative care arrangements. In practice, youths in this age range end up grouped with
younger children in the industrial schools or even with youths over age 18 in the Youth
Training Center - both situations that present the possibility of older youths having a
detrimental influence on younger ones, although the age group in question is the
perpetrator in the former case and the victim in the latter6.9 Thus, youth between the ages
69 If the age limit were raised, the government could feel pressure to provide expanded residential care.
48
Chapter 5 Policy and Legal Context and Institutional Capacity
of 16-17 have the least amount of protection under the law despite the fact that they
constitute one of the most vulnerable groups, as indicated, for example, by relatively high
dropout rates and other risks of adolescence (see Chapter 2).
129. A fundamental contravention of the Convention on the Rights of the Child70 is the
controversial legal provision for the corporal punishment of children. Section 22 of the
Children Act preserves the right of any parent, teacher or other person having lawful
control or charge of a child or adolescent to administer "reasonable punishment," which
is interpreted in practice to include physical discipline. Furthermore, the Corporal
Punishment Act allows whipping in lieu of any other sentence for male offenders aged 15
and 16 years. Many countries have now abolished corporal punishment in schools and
some 10 countries have made it unlawful for parents (and others) to hit children7.1
130. In terms of its present structure and institutional capacity, the justice system faces
limitations that adversely impact its implementation of existing legislation. The absence
of a special family court and adequate human and financial resources in the current
system to accommodate family and youth cases has contributed to several undesirable
outcomes, including delays in case processing, placement of youths on remand for
months at a time, grouping of youths on remand -w,vitho se who have committed serious
crimes (also see Chapter 4), and inadequate provision of proper legal advice for children
and families. Substantial institutional and organizational changes would be necessary to
address these problems. An immediate step would be to undertake an assessment of the
institutional capacity of the different agencies involved in order to identify investment
priorities, which would likely include specialized training of personnel and recruitment of
staff with the required skills profiles.72
131. New Legislation Under Consideration. Many of the issues identified above
would be addressed by proposed legislation. Cabinet is currently reviewing five new
pieces of legislation regarding children and youth: (i) the Children's Authority Act, (ii)
the Community Residences, Foster Care and Nurseries Act; (iii) the Family Court Act;
(iv) the Adoption Bill; and (v) the Act to Amend Certain Laws Affecting Children.
132. The main objective of the Children 's Authority Act is to establish an Authority or
body responsible for: (i) monitoring the quality of services and type of treatment given to
children in community residences (including the industrial schools and orphanages),
foster homes, and nurseries; (ii) enforcing standards set under the Children Residences
and Rehabilitation Centers Act; (iii) investigating complaints regarding mistreatment of
70 The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child in
November of 1989. It is now one of the most widely ratified international conventions, also having
received ratification by the Government of Trinidad and Tobago in November of 1991. Governments have
submitted reports to indicate proposed legislative reforms to meet the requirements of the Convention.
Although the general provisions in Trinidad and Tobago's penal system are broadly compliant, there are
still some areas of inconsistency.
7' Trinidad and Tobago is now in the process of making similar amendments.
72 In addition to the judicial system itselt other agencies involved in the delivery of services required by
legislation would need strengthening, including the Family Services Division, Probation Division, and
Youth Affairs Division (see Chapter 4).
49
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
children at home; (iv) issuing, revoking and withdrawing licenses of residences, foster
homes and nurseries; (v) monitoring agencies that address children's issues; and (vi)
advocating to protect the rights of children. While the mandate of the proposed Authority
has great potential to improve services, the government has made no provisions to
guarantee its human and financial resources and build the necessary institutional capacity.
If given the jurisdiction to implement this law, the Family Affairs Division of the
Ministry of Social Development will need to be restructured and strengthened, since at
this point, it is already over-stretchedb y its current responsibilities (see Chapter 4).
133. While the Children's Authority Act would legally establish the Children's
Authority, the Community Residences, Foster Care and Nurseries Act would delineate
this body's role, responsibilities and powers in monitoring, licensing and regulating such
places. Although there is already an extensive network of community residences and
nurseries/day-care centers (Chapter 4), the foster care system is still small-scale and
informal - the only provisions for foster care appear in the Children's Act, which allows
the Courts to place children in the care of a "fit person." Therefore, the Community
Residences, Foster Care and Nurseries Act would create an environment propitious to the
expansion of foster care. However, the extent to which families in Trinidad and Tobago
will take up the idea of foster care remains uncertain7,3 but this is an especially important
question considering that it could relieve pressure on the institutional and community-
based residential service network, thereby improving its financial sustainability and
quality of service provision. In addition, the establishment of a sound foster care system
will require the designation of the appropriate institution to manage it (for example,
registering families and monitoring children placed in their care), additional highly
qualified professionals, and sufficient allocation of resources.
134. The establishment of the proposed Family Court - which would have equal
standing to the High Court - through the Family Court Act would make it possible to
better respond to the legal needs of children, young persons, and families. Despite the
need for the proposed court, it represents an addition to a system that already suffers from
serious resource limitations and needs a thorough reform. In this regard, the success of
the Family Court, will depend on establishing clear mechanisms to ensure high quality
services, such as adequate information and communication systems, trained staff in the
areas of child and family law, a sufficient number of available social workers, and
development of mediation and conflict resolution services that could help resolve cases
without bringing them before the court.
135. Additional proposed legislation relates to the modernization of existing laws. The
new Adoption of Children Act would repeal the old one and attempt to improve the
protection of the rights of children under the country's adoption system. It would also
make it possible for persons living abroad to adopt a child who is a resident of Trinidad
and Tobago. An Act to Amend Laws Affecting Children makes provisions for the
amendment of several laws affecting children such as the Corporal Punishment Act, the
73 The prospects for foster care in Trinidad and Tobago initially appear positive, in light of the tradition of
extended family networks, which distribute childcare responsibilities and often informally incorporate
children from the community who are in need (St. Bernard 1998).
50
Chapter 5 Policy and Legal Contexta nd Institutional Capacity
Summary Offences Act, the Young Offenders Detention Act, and the Children Act. The
Amendments in some cases clarify the current legislation, provide new age limnitsa, nd
repeal certain sections of current acts.
Considerations Regarding Implementation
136. The government's efforts to develop a national youth policy and establish
improved legislation in key areas relating to youth have the potential to bring significant
positive results, but successful implementation will depend on several factors. The
development of the youth policy provides the opportunityt o address problems from the
past, including unsystematic cooperation among partners, unclear definition of
responsibility among partners and lack of follow-up on persistent issues of concern. In
comparison to the current draft youth policy, a more focused policy, with a clear
emphasis on at-risk youth, would be easier to execute (due to the definition of reasonable
and achievable objectives) and would likely have greater benefits (see Chapter 3). The
proposed legislation on a Children's Authority, community and foster care, a family
court, and adoption would position the government as a supervisor and facilitator and
create an environment for improved and increased private and voluntary sector service
provision, but resources will be necessary to establish the new institutional structures and
increase the capacity of existing ones7.4 In this regard there is urgent need for
institutionala ssessment and planning that can quantify these inputs.
74 Experiences with overburdened foster care systems in the United States have revealed the dangers of
inadequate planning and resource allocation. Research has shown that the weakness of the foster care
system in several cities has produced a group of youth at high risk of incarceration, homelessness, public
assistance dependency, early childbearing and physical and sexual victimization (Courtney and Piliavin
1998).
51
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS AND PROGRAM AND POLICY OPTIONS
137. This report shows that investing in youth would bring significant social and
economic benefits to Trinidad and Tobago. It also demonstrates that the current
exclusion of a large segment of youth from the education system along with other
negative social factors often produce high social and economic costs. As early as the
1970s7,5 observers within and outside the country identified two major obstacles to youth
development that leave around a third of youth at risk of poor outcomes: (i) restricted
access to education beyond primary level and (ii) lack of employment opportunities for
those with low labor market qualifications. These issues have preoccupied many
governments, but at the onset of the twenty-first century, they persist.
138. The limitations of the education system and the lack of employment opportunities,
in combination with poverty and deficient neighborhood environments,g enerate risks for
youth involvement in crime, the drug trade and drug use, and early sexual activity and
pregnancy. Other widely recognized factors contributing to these negative outcomes are
reduced family care, partly as a result of changing family structure or migration, abuse,
parents' abdication of childcare responsibilities, and, ultimately, the intersection of
youths with the judicial system and protective services, including institutional and
community care facilities.
139. A significant challenge for democratic governments, which often have a short
time to show results, is to bridge the gap between goals and outcomes. It is natural for
them to focus on initiatives involving infrastructure development, which are readily
observable, over "less visible" programs, such as those that aim to improve educational
achievement, skillsp rofiles and employment results, or modify behavior. Although these
may take time to become evident, they can help reduce the high social and individual
costs of youth crime and school dropout. Therefore, investing in youth development
programs, like the expansion of remedial and alternative education, special efforts to
reach high-risk groups, and family services deserve high priority.
140. In this regard, Trinidad and Tobago has taken important steps to deal with youth
issues and is currently well-positionedt o progress fiurther. The government has begun to
prepare a national youth policy and legislation to imnprovey outh services and has already
laid the groundwork to accomplish its stated goals in youth development, including
education reform, rationalization of skills training programs, and shifting from direct
service provision to the regulation and facilitation of voluntary and private sector service
delivery in areas such as training and youth protective services. It could complement
these efforts with additional strategies, including sponsoring special programs to reach
youths at highest risk of experiencing poor outcomes, taking advantage of the
attractiveness sport and culture to direct youths toward education and training initiatives,
and reforming safety net programs to better benefit poor families with children. The
75 SeeW orldB ank1 973T, rinidada ndT obagoR: eporot n Employment.
52
Chapter 6 Conclusionsa nd Programa nd Policy Options
recommendations of this report set out a strategy that would combine such efforts to
make long-term improvementsr egarding the situationo f youth in the country.
141. A "Youth-Centered"T ransitionalS trategy. The expansion of the educational
system to meet the demand of a growing secondary school population may take several
years. In the meantime, interim measures would be needed to help reduce negative
outcomes among youths excluded from the education system and those within school
with high risk behavior. Therefore, this report proposes a "transitional strategy" that
would include a coordinated set of interventions, policies and legislation, all of which
could be reflected in the finalization of the national youth policy. Its implementation
would require the combined efforts of the public, private and voluntary sectors at the
local and national levels and the involvement of the local communities. The expected
long-term impacts, assuming adequate progress in education reform, include higher
school enrollment and better completion rates, improved skills competency and labor
market outcomes, reduced risk behavior and its consequences, such as crime and
violence, and increaseds ocial capital7.6
142. The "transitionals trategy" would have the followingk ey objectives:
Facilitate access to schoolinga nd retention of youth at-risk in school.
* Reach youths outside of school with additional educationalo ptions.
- Improve the delivery and quality of training and its relevance to the market.
- Adopt appropriatep olicy and legislationr egarding the monitoring and regulation of
youth and family services, reform the institutional care system while strengthening
alternatives,a nd reform safety net programs.
* Establish the institutional infrastructuren ecessary to promote an integrated approach
to youth developmenta nd implementt he transitionals trategy.
Facilitate Access to Education and Retention of At-Risk Youth in School
143. Improving access and equity in education has been a major challenge for Trinidad
and Tobago. The school system has not performed well on these parameters by
systematically excluding poor performers on entry to the secondary level and not
providing the quality and relevance in education required to retain at-risk students.
Although the government has initiated a comprehensive education reform that
encompasses construction of classrooms, curriculum improvement, teacher training and
greater parent and community involvement in school management, these initiativesw ill
take effect gradually over a period of several years. In the meantime, a large contingent
of youth will remain excluded from the educational system, and many more will risk
school failure, dropout and related outcomes such as drug use and crime.
144. Creating complementary mechanisms to facilitate access for youths outside the
school system and retain youth within the system would help reduce risk during the
16 Althougdhi fficultto  measurei,n dicatorosf  socialc apitaal ppliedin  previourse searchin cludep eople's
assessmenotf theiro wnq ualityo f lifet hroughas pects ucha s "senseo f wellbeinga'n d" belonging."
53
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
transitional period of education reform. Several options derived from international
experience may be applicable to Trinidad and Tobago:77
* Developing ways to identify youth at risk. Based on the understanding of risk
antecedents and markers discussed in this report (Chapter 2), schools and
communitiesc ould systematicallyh elp identify youth at risk of experiencing negative
outcomes for special intervention.
* Increasing the use of demand-side mechanisms. Several countries use scholarships
and vouchers to facilitate access to educational facilities7.8 These frequently target
inputs such as school materials or transportation, depending upon specific need in
different areas. Trinidad and Tobago has scholarship programs that it could expand
for poor children. Similarly, the use of vouchers could be tested with regard to
stimulatingg reater private sector participationi n the provision of education.
* Adapting and piloting the 'full-service community schoof' model. These schools
incorporate a wide range of services at the school site - such as individual tutoring
and mentoring, substance abuse counseling, family development services, primary
and reproductiveh ealth care, and job placement - that aim to reach at-risk youths and
improve educationali nvestments( see Chapter 4). Designating selected schools in the
poorest communitieso f the country to become "full-service schools" on a pilot basis
could pave the way for a similar approach elsewhere once the government has
completed the expansion in the secondarys chool system.
* Promoting a positive '"youth culture" in school through after-school activities.
Clubs, sport and cultural activities that occupy youth idle time in a constructive
manner are widespread and popular among youths in Trinidad and Tobago, and, in
addition to their function of averting youth involvement in detrimental activity, have
great potential for providing an entry-point to other services. Involving parents,
youths and communities in developing these efforts would enhance their
effectiveness. The activities should take place after school and, when appropriate,
take advantage of school facilitiesa nd resources, such as libraries.
77 These recommendationsa re based on general principles that are consistent with some of the key strategic
directionisd entifiedb y the governmenotf  Trinidada ndT obago.T heyi nclude: (i) servicesa re more
effective when they are coordinated and holistic (rather than fragmented and categorical); (ii) community
and beneficiary involvement in decision making and program implementation help ensure program
effectiveness; (iii) the most effective use of resources is on interventionst hat prevent at-risk behavior and
bear high social and economic returns, such as education; (iv) public investments should be targeted
towards the poorest segments of the population with appropriatea ccountabilitym echanisms;( v) policy and
program implementation require clear institutional arrangements and appropriate management and
monitoring systems; (vi) quality control for provision of services involves government regulation and
monitoring through autonomous bodies; (vii) under many circumstances,s ervices can be of higher quality
when provided in a competitivee nvironment by the private or voluntary sector; (viii) policies and laws
without enforcement can underminet he public's confidencei n government.
78 This approach is particularlyr elevant to ECCD services, whose coverage for poor families will be far
from universal even after execution of the Basic Education Project, which employs a public-private
approach with the government building and equipping facilities run by NGOs and community groups.
Another perhaps less costly alternative to the construction of more new centers is government stimulation
of private sector provision by offering initial inputs (materials, small works and centralized training) or
subsidies for start-up,t hereby creating a demand-responsivee nvironment,d ue to the easy entry and exit of
service units from the market. The primary public recurrent costs would involve ensuring provider
compliancew ith standards through monitoringa nd regulation by the Children's Authority.
54
Chapter 6 Conclusionsa nd Program and Policy Options
* Piloting learning modules to enrich the curriculum. Many youth cite the
inadequacy of school curriculum as a cause of poor performance and school dropout.
The introduction of learning modules in areas that build skills useful to at-risk youths
and interest them such as life skills, problem solving, and information technology
could help to keep them in school. The government could stimulate their
development by Universities or NGOs on a competitiveb asis.
Reach Youth outside the Education System
145. Even with additional efforts to improve access to education during the reform
process, there will be a need to offer out-of-school youths engagement in some form of
schooling. The government could do this by supporting community-based youth
development centers and voluntary organizations providing remedial and alternative
education programs:
* Expanding the network of Youth Development Centers in poor areas. Trinidad and
Tobago has already begun to experiment with Youth Development Centers79 in small
numbers and with limited resources. The govermnent could adapt them to (i) target
youths excluded from education or who have dropped out of school and cannot find
employment, (ii) mirror the full-service schools in the menu of services offered, and
(iii) incorporate basic educational programs (emphasizing numeracy and literacy).
The centers could also specialize and develop expertise in specific activities, such as
sport and performing arts, and present projects developed by beneficiaries for
funding. If necessary, they could serve as informal schools as a transitional
measure8.0
- Supporting the development of alternative and remedial education programs.
Trinidad and Tobago has examples of successful initiatives to provide remedial
services for students who do not meet school standards for advancement, such as the
Corcorite Learning Centers. Although government has supported such initiatives on a
limited basis, it could establish a mechanism to do this more extensively and
systematically,t hereby providing another way to connect with at-risk youth.
Improve Training by Strengthening Government Regulation and
Promoting Private and Voluntary Sector Provision
146. Skills training is the main option for youths with limited educational
opportunities. Strategically, management of the training system will also require a
transitional approach. In the long-run, as quality, 5-year secondary education becomes
available to a larger portion of the youth population, the demand for training programs
may decrease and programs would need to adapt to a new market. An option for them
may be to differentiate courses to appeal to different groups: (i) youths needing basic
skills, or (ii) those desiring advanced specialized training. The former group is composed
79 Both the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs and the Ministry of Information, Communication, Training
and Distance Learningh ave established initiatives along these lines.
80 This has occurred in New York City, where community centers have become certified as schools and
added classrooms.
55
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
of higher risk youths with lower educational and skills profiles, who traditionally have
under-accessed these programs in the past, while the latter group is made up of better-
educated secondary school graduates who want to gain useful job-oriented experience in
preparation for entry into the labor market. The first group would continue to require
subsidies from the government while cost-recovery could apply to the second group.
147. The government has already taken steps to reduce its direct provision of training
and move into a greater role as coordinator and regulator of industry-based and non-
governmental initiatives through the founding of the National Training Agency.
However, until education reform accelerates in the short- to medium-term, a reduction in
the supply of training opportunities, if any, would require a careful analysis of possible
impact. This implies that government may need to maintain its active role in the
provision of training and employment support services during the transitional period. It
could accomplish this by stepping up efforts to improve some of its own programs (for
example, the Youth Development and Apprenticeship Centers and the Youth Training
and Employment Program), offer greater support to cost-efficient non-governmental
programs (for example, SERVOL), and provide incentives to private-sector projects (for
example, favorable tax treatment or per-capita subsidies).
148. Other issues of fundamental importance in the reform of the training system
include: (i) better assessment of market demand for occupational skills to orient the
supply of training courses by ensuring close collaboration and information exchange
among the NTA, industry representatives and small business employers; (ii)
improvement of micro-entrepreneurial training and support mechanisms (for example,
credit and technical assistance); (iii) revitalization of apprenticeship and job placement
services; (iv) implementation of program monitoring and evaluation; and, (v) possible
introduction of demand-side financing to stimulate expansion of services and competition
among service providers.
Adopt or Reform Policy, Legislation and Institutional Structures for
Youth Development
149. Preparing for new policy and legislation. The implementation of the strategies
mentioned above, the proposed youth policy and new legislation would require enhanced
institutional capacity and adequate allocation of human and financial resources. It would
also require overcoming long-standing obstacles that have limited the effectiveness of
previous efforts to deal with youth development issues. This would call for reducing
overlapping roles among service providers and defining responsibilities based on
comparative advantage (as in the case of training), improving decentralization to and
coordination with the voluntary and private sectors, and implementing relevant
recommendations of various cabinet-level committees appointed in the past to analyze
specific youth issues.
150. The government's development of a national youth policy and key legislation on
youth services and institutions should set the stage for improvements in youth
development. At this point, the draft youth policy could benefit from much greater
56
Chapter 6 Conclusionsa nd Programa nd Policy Options
specificity. Its proposals deal with many different sectors, vary from practical
operational proposals to reforms and changes in processes and systems, and involve
various actors, but there is no consideration of related institutional and resource needs.
Although the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs would coordinate the youth policy, it
will require capacity-buildingi n order to plan and implement programs, follow progress,
conduct data collectiona nd analysis, provide training, and coordinatea ctivities with other
actors, includingt he private sector and organized civil society. Similarly,t he approval of
new legislation to establish a family court and the Children's Authority for monitoring
childcare, residential and institutional care facilities, foster care and adoption would
require additionalr esources for the government structures responsiblef or providing these
services.
151. Reforming institutional care and strengthening alternatives (community-based
care, family and youth services, and probation). The ultimate objective of reforming
institutionala nd community-basedc are would be to improve the life prospects of youths
leaving the system and exploring the viability of appropriate substitutes. The current
practice of grouping youths convicted of serious crimes with those who are on remand,
who conmmittedm ilder offenses, or whose status calls for state intervention for non-
criminal reasons requires prompt revision. Improvement in the operations of the
institutions and homes for children and adolescents implies the need for resources to
recruit more qualified staff (also to improve the supervisor-beneficiaryr atio), train
current staff so as to be able to provide essential services, including counseling, social
work with families and preparation of youths for reintegration into their communities.
The government has begun to emphasize less expensive alternatives to
institutionalization,i ncluding family services, probation and adoption that permit youths
to remain in a family and community environment, and these services will require
strengtheningt o become more effective.
152. Directing poverty alleviation toward children through safety net reform. While
preparing for the establishment of new institutions and reforming existing public
structures and programs, the government could take the opportunity to improve the
efficiency of some safety net programs and redirect resources to poor families with
children, considering children's vulnerability and disproportionater epresentation among
the poor. The governmentc ould attempt to better target the Old Age Pension program to
the poor elderly, who often live in multi-generation households with large numbers of
children, and introduce a sliding benefit scale to make this politically more practicable.
The granting of additional subsidies to the basic Public Assistance benefit could be
reduced to a level at which disincentives for labor force participation are eliminated.
Since the majority of poor households are male-headed, there is a need to find new
mechanisms of directing resources to those with children. For example, during public
assistance reform, these households could become eligible under careful means testing.
57
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Implementing the Strategy
153. If the governmentd ecidedt o put the transitionals trategyi nto action, it would
need to (i) establisha  body to coordinateth e variousa ctorsi nvolved,m onitora ctionsa nd
ensure broad-basedp articipation,( ii) considerf inancingm echanisms,a nd (iii) evaluate
differentf inancingo ptionsa nd meanso f improvingt he efficiencyo f existingp rograms:
* Establishing a National Youth Development Council. The role of the Council
wouldb e to superviset he implementationo f the strategy. It could be headed by a
high level public authority, preferably at the level of Minister, and have
representatives from government, civil society and the corporate sector, an
arrangement that has proved successful in other countries. It would bear
responsibilityfo r: (i) integratingp olicies,l aws and programd esigns;( ii) advisingt he
PrimeM inistero n reforme fforts in variouss ectors,i ncludingp rogramr eorientation
and institution strengthening;( iii) mobilizing additional human and financial
resources, (iv) stimulatingd evelopmento f the local councils, (v) overseeingt he
finalizationo f the NationalY outh Policy, and (vi) offeringt echnical assistancet o
communitiesin  expressingt heir local needs. In additiont o the nationalc ouncil,t he
governmentc ould stimulate the formationo f Youth DevelopmentC ouncilsa t the
local level. With strong representationo f parents, youth, school officials, service
providers,a nd communityl eaders,t hey would providet he main inputs in termnso f
analyzingl ocaln eeds and developingp lans and recommendationtso  government.
- Creating a "Youth Development Fund." The most secure way to guarantee the
implementatioonf  the variousc omponentso f the transitionals trategyw ouldb e to set
up a specialf und. Ministriesc ould draw on it to financer eform activitiesa nd special
projects. Additionally,v oluntarya nd private sector organizationsc ould apply for
resourcest o developa ctivitiesi dentifiedi n the transitionals trategy. This model is
generallyi n line with government'sg oals of divestingc ertaind irect servicep rovision
tasks, assuming greater regulatory functions, and creating more extensive
partnershipsw ith othera ctors8.1
* Evaluatingf inancing options and cost-reduction measures. The implementation of
the strategy would require resources, especially during the start-up phase. The
governmentw ouldn eed to assessd ifferentm eanso f obtainingf inancinga nd, at the
same time, ways to gain efficienciesi n current programa reas benefitingy ouths (as
indicated in this report), including: (i) tightening up safety net programs, (ii)
expandingc ost-recoverym echanismsf or training programs,w hen applicable,( iii)
s1 Limited experience with the "fund" approach - through the IDB-fundedC ommunity Development Fund
(CDF) and Community Action for Revival and Empowerment (CARE) Program of the Ministry of Social
and Community Development - has indicated that the institutional culture within government may present
some challenges. Since government has contracted with NGOs for service provision in several sectors of
youth development, it should establish parameters of cooperation, such as inviting civil society to play a
meaningful role during policy formulation stage as well as execution. As partners in project
implementation,N GOs should have access to means of auto-improvement while simultaneously complying
with accreditation requirements and continuous quality monitoring.
58
Chapter 6 Conclusionsa nd Programa nd Policy Options
promoting philanthropy around a youth development fund concept, which has
occurred successfullyi n other countries, and (iv) mobilizing donor funding8.2
154. The following conditions are germane to the process of youth policy
implementation: (i) strong commitmentf rom governmentt o supply necessaryr esources,
(ii) definition of an action plan to implementt he strategy, (iii) development of a public
communicationa nd information strategy to convey the proposed roles and opportunities
for various actors, and (iv) establishment of a management system to facilitate the
implementationa nd monitoring of the strategy. As indicated earlier, following through
on the various components of the strategy will necessitate incrementalr esource outlays in
several areas, but estimates on earnings differentials to education and costs of high risk
behavior indicate that such investment will bear substantialr eturns.
82 These considerations address concerns of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago presented in
commentso n a earlier draft of this report (see Annex K).
59
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
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Tobago (unpublishedr eport). Universityo f the West Indies, Faculty of Education.
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Narcotics Control Strategy Report, 1997. Washington, D.C.: United States Department
of State. httpi/www.state.gov/www/global/narcotics_law/1997_narc-report/carib97.htm&l  carib 97Part2.html.
Burt, Martha R. 1996. Why Should We Invest in Adolescents? Paper prepared for the
Conference on Comprehensive Health of Adolescents and Youth in Latin America and
the Caribbean, July 9-12, 1996. Pan American Health Organization, W. K. Kellogg
Foundation and the Urban Institute, Washington, D.C.
Cain, Maureen. 1996. Developing a Juvenile Justice Policy: Anomalies of Theory and
Practice in Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean Quarterly 42(2-3): 99-112.
Central Statistics Office. 1992. Trinidad and Tobago. Survey of Living Conditions.
Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Ministry of Planning and Development.
Central Statistical Office. 1998. Populationa nd Vital Statistics Report 1996. Republic of
Trinidad and Tobago, Ministry of Planning and Development.
Coleman, J.S. 1988. Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of
Sociology 94 (Supplement 95): S95-S1 20.
Courtney, Mark E. and Irving Piliavin. 1998. Foster Youth Transitions to Adulthood:
Outcomes 12 to 18 Months After Leaving Out-of-Home Care (mimeo). University of
Wisconsin-Madison.
Deosaran, Ramesh. 1998. The World Bank's Working Forum on Youth Development in
Trinidad and Tobago: Conceptual and Analytical Critique (unpublished consultant
report). Centre for Criminologya nd Criminal Justice, University of the West Indies.
Deosaran, Ramesh. 1999. Psychonomics and Poverty: Towards Governance and a Civil
Society (draft book text).
Deosaran, Ramesh and Derek Chadee. 1997. Juvenile Delinquency in Trinidad and
Tobago: Challenges for Social Policy and Caribbean Criminology. CaribbeanJ ournal of
Criminology and Social Psychology 2(2): 36-83.
Dryfoos, Joy G. 1994. Full-Service Schools: A Revolution in Health and Social Services
for Children, Youth and Families. Jossey-Bass, Inc.
Dryfoos, Joy G. 1990. Adolescents At Risk, Prevalence and Prevention. Oxford
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Furstenberg Jr., F.F. and M.E. Hughes. 1995. Social capital and successful development
among at-risk youth. Journal of Marriage and the Family 57: 580-592, August.
Gabriel, Lucretia. 1998. Report on Crime and Justice (mimeo).
Groome-Duke, Claudia. 1998. Tobago Development Plan: 1998-2013: Policies and
Programs for Social and Human Development( mimeo).
Heath, K., D. Da Costa-Martinez and A. Sheon. 1988. Trinidad and Tobago
Demographic and Health Survey 1987. Family Planning Association of Trinidad and
Tobago and Institute for Resource Development/Westinghouse.
Jagdeo, Tirbani P. 1994. Teenage Pregnancy: A Caribbean Perspective. In Children
Having Children: The Problem and Prevention of Adolescent Pregnancies (Ed. G.D.
Nicholson).U niversity of West Indies Canoe Press, Kingston.
Jules, Vena. no date a. Survivorso f the Secondary Schooling Experience in Trinidad and
Tobago: The First Three Years (mimeo).
Jules, Vena. no date b. Students' AffectiveR eactions to their Early Secondary Schooling
Experiencesi n Trinidad and Tobago (mimeo).
Jules, Vena, Gaietry Pargass and Jacqueline Sharpe. 1998. UNICEF 1998 Situation
Analysis of Children and Their Families( final draft report). UNICEF, Port-of-Spain.
Logie, Carol. 1997. The Status of ECCE Provision in Trinidad and Tobago. Working
Paper No. 7. UNICEF CaribbeanA rea Office, Barbados.
Ministry of Health. 1992. KAP Survey Report, Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean
EpidemiologyC entre/AIDSTECH.
Ministry of Social Development. 1994. Report of the Cabinet Appointed Committee to
Examine the Juvenile Delinquencya nd Youth Crime Situation in Trinidad and Tobago.
Port-of-Spain( unpublishedr eport).
Ministry of Social and Community Development. 1996. The Determination and
Measurement of Poverty in Trinidad and Tobago, Indications from the 1992 Survey of
Living Conditions.R epublic of Trinidad and Tobago, Port-of-Spain.
Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs. 1999. National Youth Policy of the Republic of
Trinidad and Tobago (draft).
Moser, C. and B. van Bronkhorst. 1999. Youth Violence in Latin America and the
Caribbean: Costs, Causes, and Interventions. Sustainable Development Working Paper
No. 3. Latin Americaa nd CaribbeanR egion. The World Bank, Washington, D.C.
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Trinidada nd Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
Musick, J. 1994. Young, Poor and Pregnant: The Psychology of Teenage Motherhood.
Yale University Press, New Haven.
Oakes, Jeannie. 1987. Tracking: Beliefs, Practices, and Consequences. In Social Issues
and Education: Challengea nd Responsibility( Ed. Alex Molnar). Alexandria:A SCD.
Pantin, Dennis. 1997. The Challenge of Youth Employmenti n the Caribbean: The Role
of Youth Employment Training Programmes. International Labor Organization,
CaribbeanR egional Office, Port of Spain.
Remy, L. 1985. SummaryR eport of a Survey of Drug Abuse among Secondary School
Students (mimeo).
Russell-Brown, P. 1988. Teenage Sexuality: Perceptions and Attitudes of the Youth of
Tobago. FamilyP lanning Association of Tobago and UNICEF, Port-of-Spain.
Ryan, S., R. Mc Cree and G. St. Bernard. 1997.B ehind the Bridge: Poverty, Politics and
Patronage in Laventille. Universityo f the West Indies, Port-of-Spain.
Schleicher and J. Yip. 1994. Indicators of Between-School Differences in Reading
Achievement (draft). International Association for the Evaluation of Educational
Achievement.
Schneidman, M. 1996. Targeting At-Risk Youth: Rationales, Approaches to Service
Delivery and Monitoring and Evaluation Issues. LASHC paper Series No. 2. The World
Bank, Washington, D.C.
Sharpe, Jacqueline and Joan Bishop. 1993. Situation Analysis of Children in Especially
Difficult Circumstancesi n Trinidad and Tobago. UNICEF, Barbados.
Singh, H., H. Maharaj and M. Shipp. 1991. Patterns of Substance Abuse among
Secondary School Students in Trinidad and Tobago. Public Health (England) 105(6):
435-41.
St. Bernard, Godfrey. 1998. The Family and Society in Trinidad and Tobago: The
Findings of the National Survey of Family Life. Ministry of Social Development and
Institute of Social and EconornicR esearch, University of the West Indies.
United Nations DevelopmentP rogramme. 1996. Poverty Eradicationa nd Equity Building
in Trinidad and Tobago (TRI/96/551A/15/99).
Wolfe, Barbara and SamuelZ uvekas. 1997. Nonmarket Outcomes of Schooling (mimeo).
Department of Economics;D epartment of PreventiveM edicine. Institute for Research on
Poverty. University of Wisconsin,M adison.
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World Bank. 1973. Trinidad and Tobago: Report on Employment. A World Bank
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World Bank. 1995a. Trinidad and Tobago: Poverty and Unemployment in an Oil Based
Economy (Report No. 14382-TR).W ashington, D.C.
World Bank. 1995b. Trinidad and Tobago: The Financing of Education in Trinidad and
Tobago, 1985-1993( Report No. 14628-TR).W ashington, D.C.
World Bank. 1995c. Trinidad and Tobago: Basic Education Project (Staff Appraisal
Report, Report No. 14865-TR).W ashington, D.C.
World Bank. 1996. Trinidad and Tobago: Macroeconomic Assessment and Review of
Public Sector Reform and Expenditures: The Changing Role of the State (Report No.
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America and the Caribbean.
63

ANNEXES

Annex A Categorizationo f Youth at Risk
ANNEX A
CATEGORIZATION OF YOUTH AT RISK
Source of Risk/ LOW MEDIUM HIGH
LEVEL OF RISK
Individual Low self esteem
e.g. self esteem, self efficiency, High self esteem Medium self esteem Low academic achievement
drug use, academic High academic achievement Moderate academic achievement Drug abuse
achievemenct,a reer career / educational goals ~g~o~a~ls~~d~ef~in~e~d ~ca~r~ee~r ~I e~d~u~caPtiooonraly achievement, career High career aspiration Conflicting 
aspirations, alienation, civic Prgnanc
attitudes, etc. Pregnancy
Social
e.g. family, gangs, civic Civicreligious membership No civic/religiousm embership Gang membership
membership, communityl ife, Well-off home Poor neighborhood Fewer resources/single parent family
poverty level, social Strong family resources/two-parent Unstable family
discrimination,p eer- family
group, etc.
Institutional Prestiges chool YTEPP
e.g. school type, status in University Trade school Juvenile or correctional facility
justice system, etc.
Adapted from Deosaran 1998 and Ibabao 1998.
67
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
ANNEX B
REVIEW OF PROBLEMS IN THE EDUCATION SYSTEM
1. The main problems in the education sector relate to access, quality and equity.
Early childhood care and development services are available to a very restricted portion
of the population, and there are serious questions regarding quality at the low end of the
private sector market. Although access to primary school is nearly universal, variation in
quality among schools and socioeconomic status contribute to differential performance
on the Common Entrance Exam (CEE), required for entry into secondary school. Due to
limited capacity at the secondary level, spaces are rationed according to CEE score, with
the higher scorers tracked toward the better schools. Since children from a low income
background are less likely to score well on the exam, they become over-represented in
the low quality schools. Moreover, at all levels of education, barriers such as out-of-
pocket expenses for school materials and transportation make attendance more difficult
for poor students. This section discusses these inherent types of exclusion while
presenting evidence on the general deficiencieso f the educational system.
Early Childhood Care and Development
2. Research has consistently shown that early childhood care and development
(ECCD) interventions83a re associated with positive performance on a series of variables
later in life. These include improved performance in school and, subsequently, in the
labor market. Moreover, cohorts of children that participated in ECCD projects have
demonstrated lower crime rates and more stable personal relationships as adults in
comparison to control groups in longitudinal studies accounting for exogenous
confounding factors. As a policy option, ECCD is very appealing because of its
preventive capacity - i.e., the future benefits it brings in terms of avoiding undesirable
outcomes. ECCD creates efficiency in the use of resources in the educational system, as
it results in the reduction of drop-out and repetition.
3. Although many effects of ECCD become evident only several years after
initiating the intervention, there are also more immediate benefits. Child day care allows
women, who have traditionally been the primary care providers, the chance to take
greater advantage of income generating activities. This is especially important for poor
and single mothers. In a complementary way, the market for child care provision creates
additional employment opportunitiesp rimarily for women.84
4. Unfortunately, the ECCD system is not very well developed in Trinidad and
Tobago. Rough estimates are that approximately 150 public and 390 private registered
centers currently serve about 7,000 children (Jules 1998).85 In 1992 only around 33% of
8 ECCDr eferst o properc are,s timulationa nd educationf or childrena ged 0-5 years. Ideally,a t the end of
this period,t he childrena re wellp reparedt o enter primarys chool.
S4 The employmenrta te amongo f womena ged2 5-34w as only4 3% in 1992( Surveyo f LivingC onditions
1992).
8 Moret han another3 00 privatec entersa re not registered.
68
Annex B Review of Problems in the EducationS ystem
the population between ages 2-4 attended a variety of public and private institutions
offering child care and education services (Survey of Living Conditions 1992). Thus, a
large proportion of the children in this age group remain without access to the system.
5. Until recently, the government has given little attention to ECCD service
provision8.6 In the early 1990s, government centers accounted for just 6% of total pre-
primary school enrollment among the 3-4 age group. Government-assistedc enters, run
by NGOs with partial public financing, attended to another 13% of these children.
Private centers enrolled the rernaining 81% (World Bank 1995a). From 1991 through
1995, recurrent expenditure by government on ECCD remained constant at 0.2% of the
total education budget. No capital expenditure occurred during the same period.
Increased commitments to ECCD led to a jump in allocations for capital expenditure in
1996, amountingt o 3.2% of the total education budget (Logie 1997).
6. The structure of the ECCD sector, in which the private marketplace provides an
overwhelming proportion of services, has given rise to certain inequities. This is a
consequence of the relatively high prices in the private childcare centers. One study
(Logie 1997) found that fees in the public setting - government and government
assisted88 centers - ranged from TT$31 to TT$150 per month, with a special sliding scale
for low income parents in SERVOL centers (TT$10-TT$20). On the other hand, fees in
the private setting can reach up to TT$1,200. A full third of private centers had fees
between TT$151 and TT$450, considerably higher than in the public centers. The
ultimate result is that only 21% of children in the lowest per capita consumption quintile
attend childhood care and education centers, compared to 51% in the highest (World
Bank 1995a).
7. Certainly there are other factors that contribute to inequity within the system.
Interviews with parents and center administratorsh ave revealed the following reasons for
less than optimum demand for ECCD services: physical access (including distance,
which presents considerations regarding safety and transportation costs); lack of
awareness of the value of early stimulation programs; the practice of parents who are at
home to keep their young children with them; and, the lack of a facilitative link between
the early childhood center and a high quality primary school (Jules 1998).89 Several of
these variables likely have a significant relationship with the socioeconomic status of the
family.
8. In addition to the supply shortage and limitations on demand, there is a series of
problems with existing ECCD services that limit their effectiveness. Logie (1997)
reviewed two studies that detected variation on several parameters between public and
86 In 1969t he stateb eganto  includeE CCDi n the educationsy stemb udgeth; oweverl,e velso f financing
remaineldo w.
87 Logie, Carol (1997): The Status of ECCE Provision in Trinidad and Tobago (Working Paper No. 7),
UNICEF Caribbean Area Office, Barbados. For other citations, please see List of References.
88 In 1990 the government incorporated around 100 child daycare centers operated by a large NGO, Service
Volunteered for All (SERVOL),i nto the public system. It covers most of the centers' recurrent costs.
89 Jules, Vena (1998): Education and Training of Youth (0-25 Years) in Trinidad and Tobago, Draft
Chapter for UNDP Human Development Report, Port-of-Spain.
69
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
private centers as well as shared deficiencies related mainly to limited resources and
teacher training. The private and "public" SERVOL centers showed greater
heterogeneity in their physical characteristics than the government centers, which were
situated in public community centers. However, on average, there was not much
difference in terms of room availability and use9.0 Sanitary facilities needed
improvement in all centers, with the exception of the best private ones. Group size and
child/adult ratios between public and private centers differed little and were adequate, for
the most part. Staff needed to pay more attention to proper stimulation and nutrition
procedures at most centers. SERVOL centers seemed the best equipped in terms of
educational and art materials and play facilities, while in some centers these resources
were largely absent.
9. Variation in ECCD service is not inherently bad, except when it falls below
certain quality thresholds, and, in fact, it can bring benefits. Private centers offered a
wider range of alternatives in operational schedules in response to the needs of working
parents. Similarly,t hey provided a greater portion of the services for younger age groups
(0-3 years). Differences in services caused by market pressures normally only become a
concern at the low end of the market - i.e., private service for the poor who do not have
access to subsidized government centers - because this is where substandard service most
commnonlyex ists. The solution here is a well enforced system of inspection, regulation
and certification.
Primary Education
10. Relative to many countries in Latin America, the primary education system in
Trinidad and Tobago has some positive features. Access and enrollment are high, and
repetition and dropout rates are low, at less than 2% and 0.5% on average.91 Still, a small
but significant percentage of children are left outside the system, and equity is a serious
problem, reflected in uneven quality in the schools.
11. The system, composed of around 476 public and 54 private primary schools,
offers universal access throughout the country and enrolled 96% of all 5-11 year olds in
1992 (Survey of Living Conditions 1992). During the period from 1991 through 1995,
the government allocated between 55-60% of its annual education budget to the primary
level (Jules 1998), and tuition-free, government financed schools account for around 97%
of enrollment (World Bank 1995a). These schools are either government run (30%) or
operated by denominational boards with a government subvention (67%). The remaining
3% of students enter private schools catering to the wealthy.
12. Although enrollment ratios are generally high - normally over 90% - this still
corresponds to a large number of children outside of the primary school system. For
90 The public centers did have a separate room available for adult use about twice as often as the private
ones. The area of rooms available and used was also larger in the public centers.
91 The repetition rate jumps in the last year of primnarye ducation, Standard 5, when children voluntarily
retake the grade in order to have another chance on the Common Entrance Exam and securing placement in
secondary education.
70
Annex B Review of l/roblemsi n the EducationS ystem
example, in the 1994/95 school year, of a total population of 199,406 children aged 5-11
years, there were 177,651 (including 4 year-olds9)2 enrolled in public schools plus
another 7,000 in private schools. Thus, a low-end estimate of the number of children out
of school was 14,755 (Jules 1998). According to the 1992 Survey of Living Conditions,
in the 5-11 age group, enrollment in school was 99% for children from families in the
highest and second-higheste xpenditureq uintiles, while for those from the lowest quintile
it was only 93%. Since there is little informationo n these children, it is necessary to find
out who they are, where they are located, why they are not in school and how to facilitate
their entry and ensure their continuedp resence in the classroom9.3
13. One of the most revealing indicators of inequity in the primary education system
is the Common Entrance Examination (CEE), taken by 11-year-olds at the end of
Standard 5 to determine entry into secondary education. Considerable variation is
evident in student performance, based on a number of variables including the
managementa uthority of the school, education district, county of residence, and student
sex, socioeconomic status and self-declared race group9.4 A census-style study of all
secondary school students in 1992 (Jules 1994) showed that students who had attended
primary schools operated by the Baptist managementa uthority scored much lower on the
CEE than others. Schools run by the Seventh Day Adventists, Anglicans, and
government produced students that scored somewhere in the middle of the distribution.
Private school students performed the best, followed closely by those from Muslim,
Roman Catholic and Hindu schools, and slightly lower, by students from Presbyterian
schools. Scores for students residing in or attending school in urbanized and industrial
St. George East and Caroni counties were the best, with rural St. Patrick and
Nariva/Mayaro counties ranking lowest (over 20 points lower on a scale of 100, on
average). Between 1988 and 1992, males exhibited scores 4-5 points lower on average
than females, continuing a trend of poorer relative school performance also exhibited in
lower enrollment ratios, higher repetition and dropout rates, and lower than optimal
registration for the CEE9.5 Scores showed a close relationshipw ith socioeconomics tatus,
with children from high SES households scoring significantly better than those from low
SES households, especially ones in which nobody was employed (around a 20 point
difference). Students of self-declared African origin were significantly more likely to
score lower than those of mixed or Indian origin, who, in turn, did much more poorly
than Syrian/Lebanese,W hite and Chinese students.
92 The primary system consists of two "infant" and five "standard" grades for the 5-11 age cohort, but some
childrene ntert he first infantg radea t age four. The grosse nrollmenrta tio is defineda s the total
enrollment, regardless of age, relative to the populationi n the age group of reference.
93 Jules et.al. (1998) suggested that failure to obtain necessary documents for enrollment, including birth
certificates and immunizationr ecords, may play a role in the absence of poor children from school. The
Survey of Living Conditions (1992) revealed a 94.1% rate of birth registration for children under 5 years,
which dropped to 92.3% and 91.3% for the lowest two income quintiles, respectively. Inoculation rates for
major childhood contagiousd iseases were all under 90%.
94 The WorldB ank (1995a,b)a lso suggestst hat the fund-raisingc apacityo f individuals chools is an
important determinant of the quality of education they offer. In this regard, government schools in rural
areasa ppearto b e at a particuladri sadvantage.
95 Despitet heirh igherr egistrationa nd scoringo n the CEE,f emalesw erep lacedi n secondarys chools pots
about4 %l essf requentltyh anm alesd uringth e 1990-9p6e riod.T hisi s clearlya n equityis sue;h oweveri,n 
absolute terms, nearly the same number of males and femalesr eceived spots each year.
71
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
14. Differential access to high quality schools and inputs necessary to the educational
process, mediated in part by economic factors, creates part of the variation in children's
CEE scores and enrollment rates by family socioeconomic status. In explaining non-
attendance at school, students from families in the lowest per capita expenditureq uartile
frequently cited finance and transportation problems - 23% and 17%, respectively -
whereas students from families in the highest quartile never referred to them (SLC data in
World Bank 1995b). In the lowest expenditure quartile, 64% of children walked to
school, compared to only 21%  in the highest quartile. Thus, it seems that poor children
may have little choice in attending better schools farther away from their homes because
of the cost of transportation. Another daily recurrent expense is lunch, which combined
with transportation,a mounted to an average annual cost of TT$292 for the lowest income
quintile in 1992 - a considerable amount, considering the mean annual per capita
expenditure of TT$1,612 for this group. Thirty-one percent of children in the lowest
quintile, versus only 4% in the highest, did not have textbooks, and the prevailing reason
for non-availabilityw as expense9.6 Attendance at high quality private primary schools is
a privilege for children of the wealthy.
15. In addition to the problems encountered by families in sending their children to
school, there are several factors that may be threatening the general quality of the primary
education system. There has been a steady drop in the percentage of trained teachers
from 81.1% in the 1990/91 school year to 75.4% in 1995/96. Also, the student/teacher
ratio rose to 27 in the public system in the 1994/95 school year, an increase of 3 points
since 1986/87. In comparison, the ratio in private schools in 1992/93w as 18. Generally,
due to limited space at the secondary level (section 2.2.3), the system places great
emphasis on preparation for the CEE, which results in the transfer of certain types of
skills at the expense of others. Researchersh ave criticized the overly academic approach,
appreciatedb y too few students, that sacrificest he teaching of more broadly useful skills
for the majority. There appears to be little use of the sociocultural context of the children
to make the educationale xperience more interesting.
Secondary Education
16. One of the fundamental constraints in the secondary education system is the lack
of adequate capacity to serve the entire population in the corresponding age group. A
process of student dispersal occurs at the end of primary education through the rationing
of positions in the hierarchy of secondary education options. Some children are lost to
the system altogether. For example, in 1996 29,273 students took the CEE, of which
22,468 passed and 18,201 received placement in secondary schools. Another 1,378 went
on to post-primary centers and youth camps, and some 2,695 repeated Standard 5. This
leaves 6,805 children who appear to fall out of the systern, left to pursue other
developmentalp athways (Jules et.al. 1998).97
96 Other expensesa ssociatedw ith educationi nvolve school supplies and uniforms.
97 Some of these children may enroll in private secondary schools. In contrast to the primary level, private
secondary schools serve poor academic performers who do not succeed in entering the more prestigious
public schools. In 1992/93t here were 13 registered private secondarys chools serving 2,181 youths.
72
Annex B Review of Problems in the Education System
17. In addition to limited access to the system, there has been a steady decline in
enrollment and the enrollment ratio in recent years. For the 12-16 age group, enrollment
dropped from 92,299 in 1986/87 to 83,042 in 1994/95 while the population grew from
118,563 to 131,501 over the same period (Jules et.al. 1998). The corresponding
enrollment ratio fell from 77.8% to 63.2%.98 Furthermore, the dropout rate is higher in
secondary school, between 1-2% (and greater for boys than girls), than in primary school
(Jules et.al. 1998). Jules (1994) also found that 14% of the registered student population
infrequently or never attended classes. In this context, an important area of research
relates to the significance of different factors in the decline of enrollment (i.e., reduction
in system capacity, increase in economic impediments,r ise in opportunityc osts, etc.).
18. Similar to the primary school system, inequity is inherent to secondary education,
evident in the variation in quality among schools and enrollment by income quintile. The
equity problem grows even more serious due to the existence of "tracking," in which the
CEE score is a strong determinant of school placement, in terms of school quality. Thus,
it is more likely for high-scoring students to enter the traditional 5- and 7-year
government and assisted schools that have a strong academic curriculum. Similarly, the
lower scorers are directed toward the less desirable options, the New Sector government
schools that offer general education combined with technical/vocationalt raining. These
schools include 3-year junior secondary schools - most of which run on a double-shift, 2-
year senior comprehensive schools, 5-year senior secondary schools, and 5-year
composite schools.
19. Since performance on the CEE is strongly related to socioeconomic status and
inequities in the primary education system (section 2.2.2), poorer students do not access
secondary education or the better schools to the same extent as wealthier students.
Overall, only 70% of youths aged 12-17 in the poorest quintile were enrolled in school
relative to 94% in the richest one (Survey of Living Conditions 1992). Also, a clear
pattern is evident in which students from lower income families assume a
disproportionate presence in junior secondary, senior comprehensive, and composite
schools, while students from upper and middle income families are more likely to enter
5- and 7-year traditional schools.
20. Once placed in the system, attrition rates are greater among students from lower
income families. In Jules' study (1994), 31% of all students in Form 1 were from the low
income group, but in Form 5, their representation was only 26%. Opportunity cost
explains some of the attrition. Seventeen percent of the secondary students from the
second-lowest expenditure quartile in the 1992 Survey of Living Conditions gave the
reason "not worthwhile" for their non-attendancea t school. In opting to substitute school
for other activities, presumably the low quality of the schools these youths attend would
factor into their decision makingp rocess.
98 Jules et.al. (1998) note that these figures may even be inflated since the basis for calculation is the 12-16
age group,w hereast hea veragea ge in Form I of secondarys chooli s 11 years( Jules 1994).
73
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
ANNEX C
VOICES OF YOUTH:
STUDENT PERCEPTIONS OF SCHOOL AND RISK IN
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
I. Over the course of a 3 year longitudinal study of secondary school youths (n
2,125), Jules found that 72% of students in the first year said they liked coming to school,
and about 26% said they liked coming "sometimes.9"9 By the third year of the study,
those who liked coming had declined to 58%, instead 38% said they liked coming to
school "sometimes," meaning school had become less popular. Despite this drop in
school enjoyment, most youth enjoy being in school. Throughout the three year period
the number of students who disliked school remained below 2%. That is, very few of the
youths who pass into secondary education dislike being there, even though student
reports of academic injustice, poor school conditions and classroom violence are
frequent. At face value these data give a general idea of how students feel about
spending their adolescence in school. Further analysis uncovers some of the values
underlying these feelings. By tapping into student values and attitudes, it is possible to
explore how they feel the education system can mitigate or exacerbate youth risk and risk
antecedents, such as an unstable family environment, unfavorable neighborhood
environment and poverty.
How Students Think Schools Can Mitigate Risk
2. Schools Can Provide an Environment for Safe Passage. While the school
environment is not ideal, many students prefer school over the alternatives, like their
homes or neighborhoods. Some students prefer school over the boredom of "being at
home" or "having nothing to do." Other students are acutely aware of the increased risks
and limited options that youths face outside the educational system. "I have to like
school," one third year student said, "because where I live it is the only means to survive
without doing illegal things." Whether youths anticipate being the perpetrators or victims
of violence and crime, secondary school helps mitigate potential risks at home or in the
community simply by occupying the youths' time in a relatively safe environment.
Beyond its academicp urposes or job-related promises, some students value school for the
short-term shelter it provides.
3. Schools Can Provide Access to Virtuous Social Capital. Over the first three
years of secondary school, youths derive increasing satisfaction in school from
interactions with other students. In their first year, 33.6% of students say their most
pleasurable experiences in school come through other students, and by the third year this
number rises to 46%. Based on students' responses and classroom observations, the
youths are most engaged by and show the most initiative in group activities. Among their
most satisfying experiences, youths site group projects, school fundraisers, class concerts
99 This annex summarizes material from: Jules, Vena. (no date): Survivors of the Secondary Schooling
Experiencien  Trinidada nd TobagoT: he FirstT hreeY ears( mimeo)J;u les,V ena.( no date):S tudents'
AffectivRe eactiontso  theirE arlyS econdarSy choolinEgx perienceins Trinidaadn dT obago(m imeo).
74
Annex C Voices of Youth: Student Perceptions of School and Risk in Trinidad and Tobago
and competitions, all of which they enjoy for the cooperation and the results they can
collectively achieve. One student enjoyed, "Group work in the history project on the
quintecentennial anniversary of Columbus and we all did different things; some of us
explained what we knew to others; some did the research. It was really fun working and
learning together and realizing we could do it without too much help from the teacher"
(284). This coordination and cooperation strengthens the youths' social capital
enhancing their potential for development.
4. School provides a context and activities through which youths can develop social
capital, but the benefits extend well beyond the classroom. As youths increasingly look
to their peers rather than adults for social and emotional connection, they also look to
their peer group and peer activities for support. When asked whether he liked school, one
boy, whose family has been on public assistance since his father's death, said:
"Yes! But I like it best when I am with meh friends solving we personal
problems. What I really like though is playing basketball and football. When I
playing any ah them two sports, I does feel real different, they does give me the
high of meh life" [sic].
5. In the most dramatic case, we can also see how the trust, obligations and
expectations of the peer network can mutually benefit a circle of friends. One student
tells this story to explain the "kinship" that she feels with her classmates. She recalls:
".. . when one of my friends kept cutting her hands on purpose and I thought she
was going to commit suicide and she said she would. I kept talking to her and
trying to persuade her not to. Her mother knew she was cutting herself and a
whole group was trying to persuade the girl to stop hurting herself and finally she
did."
6. Schools Build Human Capital. Among the reasons youths site for enjoying
school are their "beliefs about purposes of schooling that [have] a career or future
oriented focus." Initially, about 23% of secondary school students express this belief, a
percentage which rises to 33% in the following year and then dips slightly to 31% in the
third year. While a third of students like school for the future opportunities it can
provide, it is not known how many students recognize the impact that schooling can have
on their futures. For about a third of students, the promises of schooling are motivation
enough to enjoy it. Some youths recognize both the importance of education in securing
a job in the formal labor market - "[School] is the road to a job as an adult," - and
education's wider impact on life in general - "I am getting a good education and the
opportunityt o have a good future life through more education."
How Students Think Schools Can Exacerbate Risk
7. Schools Can Reproduce Social Inequality. Aside from the benefits of schooling,
students are also aware of how school can put them at risk of social exclusion. Jules'
interpretationo f students' thinking on the educational promise of future prosperity is this:
75
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
"In one of the observed classroom groups, tracking of students in readiness for
years 4 and 5 evoked strong emotional feelings when students sensed some denial
of fair academic exposure. This strongly illustrated students' belief in the
promise of schooling and also their fears when that promise is threatened or
denied. . ." (222-3).
8. The students who successfullyp ass into secondary school are tracked into one of
the following types of institutions: 7-year Traditional School, 5-year Traditional School,
Junior Secondary School, or CompositeS chool. Studentsp erceive a hierarchy among the
schools based on the difficulty of entry and the quality of education at the different types
of institutions. Some are considered 'high-track,' and others 'low,' and as students move
through the secondary system they continue to be tracked into schools or disciplines
based on the decisions of school staff. One student who is frustrated with tracking said,
"I don't like it when this teacher tells me that a subject like Cookery which isn't
important is compulsory and is the subject I should be doing. I think she is really racial
and means that those of us who are not like her, are stupid" (288).
9. Among models of education, tracking systems promote academic excellence at
the cost of academic equity, producing very good results among top performers but poor
results among those least equipped to succeed. While "at-risk" youths might benefit most
from the schooling process, drop-out show how this system instead fails them often. By
year three of Jules study, 28% of students from low-income families had left school,
whereas only 7.6% of those from middle-incomef amilies had dropped out.
10. School Staff and Students Can Abuse Youths. Among the aspects of school that
students dislike most, the top three responses for all three years are (i) the physical
facilities, (ii) peer behavior, and (iii) interactions with staff. Students are frustrated in
general with the bad behavior of their peers, as it affects the classroom learning
environment, but also with the physical violence and destruction of school property that
have become routine. Among the experiences one student recalls the ". . . fights, all the
fights in the school," and another the time ". . . a girl was raped and had to leave school."
11. As youths become increasingly involved with their peers rather than parents, the
group becomes a reference point on which youths evaluate their own behavior. Thus, as
acts of aggression become more prevalent among youths in a group, classroom, or school,
there is a risk that such acts might be sanctioned by the group as an acceptable means of
handling conflict. One boy said about himself in school, "I made more trouble and got
into more trouble than anyone else" (272). This same boy was once beaten by other
students, then fell and injured his back. He went to the principal's office and, refusing to
'rat' on the other students, accepted the principal's punishment for misbehaving.
12. If violence is condoned within the larger community - among the staff at the
school - violence might become a sanctioned norm within the group and a form of
perverse social capital arises. A student in one school describes a time when "two
teachers quarrel in front of everybody" [sic] and a youth in another school remarks,
76
Annex C Voiceso f Youth:S tudent Perceptionso f School and Risk in Trinidada nd Tobago
"teachers are not kind. Others including Principal beat too much . . . is licks for
everybody because you suppose to get licks to make you learn and work hard in school"
[sic] (277). Here, students perceive that teachers and staff believe that abuse is an
acceptable means of managing conflict. Students perceive that a teacher's absence from
the classroom creates an unsafe environment. One student said, "The environmentm nakes
me frighten and the teachers not even there to protect us" [sic]. Jules reports that
between the second and third year of study, reports of being "unsure and
fearful in the learning situation" rise from about 3% to 20% of the students
(238). Violence and abuse need not be prevalent to make school a dangerous
place. If youths feel they are not safe from the risk of physical, sexual or
psychological abuse, then fear alone may have adverse effects on their social,
emotional and intellectual development.
13. School Staff and Students Can Vilify Youths. Youths become increasingly
involved in their peer group as they mature. Interaction within the peer group is
symmetrical, quite different from hierarchical interactions with adults, and within their
peer groups youths learn group social skills and loyalty, the value of companionship
among equals, and independence from adult authorities. Under the social or physical
stresses of the school environment, however, healthy peer involvement may become
perverse if youths draw impermeable boundaries and loyalties between in-groups and
out-groups. These boundaries might be between students and staff, or between the
studentso f one class and those of another. When group identificationb ecomes so strong,
then socially perverse actions within the group might be overlooked by group members to
save the collective from outside criticism. One student describes his group and group
identificationt his way:
'. . . [See] the different and unique personalities of the students in my class... .how
the students of my class were one for all and all for one even in the wrongdoings
of classmates. For example, one student cheated in a Maths exam. Everyone
knew about it but no one complained to the teacher because [the teachers] were
not for us" [sic].
14. As youths learn to condone relatively harrmlessr ule-breaking, the risk that they
might learn to excuse unlawful behavior increases depending upon the norms sanctioned
by their reference group.
15. In other instances, however, youths may not condone the misbehavior among in-
group members. In this case then, the risk to youths is not villification,b ut stigmatization
from being associated with the "misbehaved" group. Because of the intensity of group
identification, from within and from without, the repercussions of bad behavior are
shared by all members of the group. A student recalls, ". . .A boy in our class did
something very wrong and brought shame on the class. Everywhere I met someone in
school I was asked about the real story but. . . I was always too ashamed to say " (Jules
1998, 272). Another student explains that, ". . . the whole class is considered bad forever
because two students did somethingw rong. .. they fight" [sic] (274). Still another youth
77
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youtha nd Social Development
describes how school staff perpetuate criticism against groups, which in this case is a
class of 3rd year students.
"All the teachers belittle us. They thought the other forms were better than us.
All we did was cope with the work and studya  lot so we got our own satisfaction"
(288).
16. There are several social and academic detrimental effects of such prejudicial
treatment of a group of students. As teachers and other students perpetuate the negative
image of a group, then the members who identify with that group also begin to identify
with the image. Cooley describes this as the looking-glassp rocess: the process whereby
a person's self-image develops from the way he or she is seen and treated by others. In a
clear example of this process, one student actually justifies his friends' actions by
explaining that they were behaving to reflect what people expected them to be.
"...Everybody think we wild, so we do wild things like the tirne the boys do the
dollar disco [dance] on girls. . .and the girls do it back" [sic] (290).
17. In instances where a group of youths, class of students, or an entire school is
judged as deviant or sub-standardb y out-group members, then members of these groups
will face prejudicial treatment and an increased risk of becoming, or remaining, socially
excluded.
78
Annex D Estimating the Costs of Negative Youth Outcomes
ANNEX D
ESTIMATING THE COST
OF NEGATIVE YOUTH OUTCOMES
1. In Gary Becker's Crime and Punishment,0' 0 some individuals become criminals
because of the financial and other rewards from crime compared to legal work, taking
into account the likelihood of apprehension and conviction, and the severity of
punishment. The amount of crime is determined not only by the rationality and
preferences of would-be criminals, but also by the economic and social environment
created by public policies, including expenditures on police, punishments for different
crimes, and opportunities for employment, schooling and training.'0'
2. Competing models to explain criminal activity, in addition to Becker's original
model, include Ehrlich's extension1,0 2 which sees crime as similar to work in that it takes
time and produces income or other utility-enhancing effects. Time allocation models of
crime imply that crime and work are substitute activities. If an individual allocates more
time to work, then he/she will commit less crime. More recent models look at habit
formation, addiction and peer group effects1.03 Since schooling and training also take
time, and produce income - only in the distance future in most cases - they can be seen
as substitute activities. Few studies, however, apply this model in the case of juvenile
offenders. Nevertheless, it can be hypothesized that youth enrolled in school or training
programs have a lower likelihood of committing crimes or becoming involved in negative
social activities. Those not enrolled and those not attending full-time - especially if they
reside in low-income, high crime neighborhoods - are probably more likely to be
involved in criminal activities. The concept of idle time is relevant here, as would be
negative social influences, such as the prevalence of drugs, street crime and gangs.
3. High risk youth can be thought of as those most likely to be involved in criminal
careers, drug use and other forms of delinquency. High risk youth can be hypothesized to
be high school dropouts, unemployed, or youth with high levels of idle time. The costs
associated with the typical career criminal, drug user and high school dropout can be
analyzed using the following model,104 where the lifetime costs of a criminal career are
equivalent to:
i (1-/i )i [Xij( VCi + riiC1J + Qij * CI * Ti + Qii *Wj*  Ti)]
where,
X = mean number of offenses Q = risk of incarceration
VC = victim cost of crime CI = cost of incarceration (days)
r = rate of reporting crime to police T = averaget ime served (days)
CJ = cost of criminal justice investigation,a rrests, adjudication ,B = discount rate
00B ecker, G. (1968): Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach, J. of Pol. Economy 76: 169-217.
101 Becker, G. (1996): Accountingfor Tastes,H arvard University Press, Cambridge.
102 Ehrlich, I. (1975): The Deterrent Effect of Capital Punishment: A Question of Life and Death, J. of
Political Economy 65: 397-417.
103 Witte, A. (1997): Crime, In The Social Benefits of Education (J. Behrman and N. Stacey, Eds.),
University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.
104 Cohen, ML( 1994): The Monetary Value of Saving a High Risk Youth (mimeo).
79
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
W opportunity cost of offender's time
i crime I through crimen 
j year I through year m
4. The four terms within the square brackets represent:
(i) average cost of all crimes committed by the career criminal: 2ijVC,
(ii) average criminal justice-related cost per year per career criminal: X1jrijCJI
(iii) cost of incarceratinga  convicted offender: XujQij*CI*Tl
(iv) opportunity cost of incarcerating a convicted offender as witnessed through the
offender's legitimate productivity or wage rate: XijQij*Wj*TI
5. The resulting annual cost can be converted into a lifetime cost by adding the
average annual costs over each year of the criminal career, appropriately discounted to
present value.
6. The costs of school dropout can be estimated using household survey data. The
survey can be used to estimate lost productivity, measured by labor market earnings. Of
course, there are non-market benefits, including crime reduction, social cohesion, income
distribution, charitable giving and more efficient labor market search. Other non-market
benefits include efficiency in marital choice, attainment of desired family size and less
reliance on income transfers (Table D1)."5 It has been very difficult to estimate such
externalities. But previous estimates show that social goals can be at least partially
achieved via education and its external effects. It is estimated that the total annual value
of the non-marketed effects of schooling are about the same as the annual, marketed
earnings-based effects of one more year of schooling. That is, the annual value of
incremental schooling reported in standard human capital estimates might capture only
about one-half of the total value of an additional year of schooling.
Table Dl: Outcomes of Schooling
Outcome Economic Nature Existing Research on Magnitude
Individualm arketp roductivity Private;m arkete ffects;h umanc apital Extensiver esearcho n the magnitudeo f markete arnings
investment
Nonwagel abor marketr ernuseration Private;m arketa nd noniarket effects Differencesin  fringeb enefits,w orkingc onditionsb y education
Intrfmily productivity Private;s ome externale ffects;m arketa nd Relationshipb etweenw ife'ss choolinga ndh usband'se arnings
___________________no_m_n_ar_ke_te _ff_ec_ts____ 
Child levelo f educationa nd Private;s omee xternale ffects;m arketa nd Child educationle vel and cognitived evelopmenrt elatedt o niother'sa nd father'se ducation
cognitived evelopment nonmarkete ffects_
Child quality:h ealth Private;s ome externale ffects Childh ealthp ositivelyr elatedt o parents'e ducation
Child quality:f ertility Private;s ome externale ffects Mother'se ducationr elatedt o lower probabilityt hat daughtersg iveb irth out of wedlocka s teens
Own health Private;m odeste xtemale ffects Schoolinga ffectsh ealths tatus; increasesl ife expectancyl;o wersp revalenceo f mentald iness
Spouses health Private;m odeste xtemal effects Schoolingl eadst o more efficientc onsumera ctivities
Consumerc hoice efficiency Private;s ome externale ffects;n onmarkete ffects Costso f job searchr educed,r egionalm obilityi ncreasedw ith mores chooling
Labor markets earche fficiency Private;n onmarkete ffects Costso f job searchr educed,r egionalm obilityi ncreased
Maritalc hoicee fficiency Private;n onmarkete ffects Improveds ortingi n marriage
Attainmento f desiredf amilys ize Private Contraceptivef ficiencyr elatedt o schooling
Charitableg iving Privatea nd public;n onrarket effects Schoolingi ncreasesd onationso f time,m oney
Savings Private;s omee xternale ffects Mores choolinga ssociatedw ith highers avingsr ates
Technologicacl hange Public Schoolinga ssociatedw ith R&D,t echnologyd iffusion
Socialc ohesion Public Schoolinga ssociatedw ith voting;r educeda lienationa nd inequality
Less relianceo n income( and in- Privatea nd public Educationa ssociatedw ithr educedd ependenceo n transfersd uringp rimew orkingy ears
kind) transfers __I
Crimer eduction Public Schoolinga ssociatedw ith reducedc riminala ctivity
105 Haveman, RH. and B.L. Wolfe (1984): Schooling and Economic Well-Being: The Role of Nonmarket
Effects, Journal of Human Resources 19: 377-407; Wolfe, B. and S. Zuvekas (1997): Noamarket
Outcomes of Schooling,U niversity of Wisconsin-Madison (mimeo).
80
Annex E StatisticalA nnex
ANNEX E
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Table El: Earnings Functions
Men and Women, 16-65 years
Independent Variable Coefficient
Years of Schooling 0.146* (.007)
Experience 0.086* (.006)
ExperienceS q. -0.001* (0)
Ln Monthly Hours Worked .57* (.06)
Constant 2.12* (0.29)
Sample Size 1478
Men, 16-65 years
Independent Variable Coefficient
Years of Schooling 0.138* (.008)
Experience 0.11* (.008)
Experience Sq. -0.001* (0)
Ln Monthly Hours Worked .46* (.074)
Constant 2.53* (0.38)
Sample Size 962
Women, 16-65 years
Independent Variable Coefficient
Years of Schooling 0.183* (.013)
Experience 0.046* (.011)
Experience Sq. -0.0004* (0)
Ln Monthly Hours Worked .58* (.078)
Constant 2.18* (0.40)
Sample Size 515
Source: Survey of Living Conditions 1992
Note: * Indicates significancea t the 5 level. Standard Error values in parentheses.
81
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Table E2: Employment Rates of Youth (by selected variables)
Overall 81
Age
15 48
16 47
17 43
18 98
19 91
20 93
21 93
22 96
23 95
24 91
Sex 79
Male
Female 82
Location 83
Rural
Urban 79
Ethnicity 82
African
Indian 80
Mixed 80
Other Race 100
Education
No Schooling 76
School Leaving Certificate 86
CXC Basic 81
CXC Gen. "O" Prof 1 or 2 89
CXC Gen. "O" Prof 3 or 4 86
CXC Gen. "O" Prof. 5 or more 87
GCE "A" /HSC 1 or 2 94
GCE "A" /HSC 3 and over 100
Diploma 82
Degree 100
Source: Survey of Living Conditions 1992
82
Annex F YouthD evelopment Activities, by Provider and Category
ANNEX F
YOUTH DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES, BY PROVIDER AND CATEGORY
Category of Sector
Activity Government( Public) Private and Voluntary Private (Corporate)
SafetyN et Old AgeP ension SelfH elpa nd RehabilitativEef forts( SHARE)
PublicA ssistance (communityo rganizationps rovides erviced elivery
SelfH elpa nd RehabilitativEef forts( SHARE) mechanism)
SchoolF eeding
UnemploymenRte lief
CivilianC onservatioCn orp
Training YouthT raininga nd EmploymenPt artnership ServiceV olunteeredfo r All (SERVOLJ) uniorL ife e.g., RoyalB ank( RoyTec)
Program( YTEPP) Centers,A dolescenDt evelopmenCt ommunityL ife
YouthD evelopmenatn d ApprenticeshiCpe nters Centers,S killT rainingC entersa ndH i-Tech
(YDACs) Centers
Education BasicE ducation(E arlyC hildhooda nd Primary) ServiceV olunteeredfo r All (SERVOLE) arly
Reform ChildhoodE ducationP rogram
SecondaryE ducationR eform Trinidada nd TobagoF ederationo f Women's
Institutes- CorcoriteL eamingC enter
Sporta nd Ministryo f Sporta ndY outhA ffairs Communityg roups e.g., BP Amoco;P owerGen
Culture
Institutional St. Dominic'sC hildren'sH ome
Care; St. Mary's Children'sH ome
Familya nd St. Michael'sS choolf or Boys
YouthS ervices St. Jude'sS choolf or Girls
YouthT rainingC enter
NationalF amilyS ervicesD ivision
ProbationD ivision
Servicesf or NationalA lcohola ndD rugA buseP revention ChildW elfareL eague- CHIOICES
SpecificH igh Program( NADAPP) FamilyP lanningA ssociationo f Trinidada nd
RiskG roups Tobago
Familiesi n Action
YoungM en'sC hristianA ssociation(Y MCA)
MarianH ouse
CredoF oundation
HopeC enter
__________________________________F_e_r_d_in esH ome
83
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
ANNEX G
DESIGN FEATURESO F THE
CIVILLANC ONSERVATIONC ORPS106
1. The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) successfully targeted youths of the
lowest socioeconomic level (little formal education and low involvement in community
activity). The majority of participants had poor educational achievement (equivalent to
primary level School Leaving Certificate or secondarys chool with less than four passes).
Qualitative assessments have indicated that CCC participants were likely to suffer from
low self-esteem, feelings of failure, hopelessness and frustration. Females benefited
disproportionately (60/40 female/male), with estimates that up to 20% of them were
young single mothers. Some of the program's other good design features included:
* low cost per trainee: TT$3,082 (with stipend) TT$1,169 (excluding stipend from
calculations)o n average (1994-97),c omparedt o TT$2,582 for YTEPP (1993-97);
* the use of Defense Force (DF) personnel- which was cost effective since they were
already salaried public servants - lent a sense of discipline and respect to prograrn,
gave DF staff a new mission, and conferred logistic advantages due to the DF's
ability to mobilize and transport human and physical resources to works sites;
- combination of project participation with a stipend below the market wage rate
(TT$30.00/day plus meals and clothing, when necessary, compared to minimum
wage of TT$56.00/day),a  classic public works project element that encourages self-
selection of the target group and keeps attrition low (10.6% in 1997 cycles vs. 24%
for YTEPP that year);
* incorporation of peer role models - recent successful CCC graduates or young
members of the Defense force - as Team Commanders, a practice highly advocated in
the internationall iterature on youth development;
* an approach that avoidsr eliance on formal modes of instruction,w ith which the target
population encountered difficulties in the education system, and involves outdoor
work, both of which make the programna ttractive to youths with a low literacy level;
- in addition to Induction (2-4 weeks) and the On-the-Job/Work Program for all
participants, a Job Attachment Program, Trade Skills Modules (plumbing, masonry,
house wiring and food preparation) and Additional Short Courses benefited a small
portion of better qualified candidates (300 between 1995-97, 350 in 1997, over 1,000
between 1993-97, respectively).
2. Several problems of the program, mainly related to basic human and physical
resource management, could have been easily addressed. These include inadequate
acquisition and availability of project materials;t he lack of specialized staff; the need to
create a longer rotation period for the DF staff, so as to efficiently utilize developed
skills; reassignment by government of buildings refurbished by the CCC for own usage
but without appropriate compensation;a nd, harnessing the income generation potential of
certain projects, for example, by outsourcingt his fimctiont o YTEPP.
106 Williams, Gwen and Associates (1998): An Evaluation of the Civilian ConservationC orps Programme,
IDB, Port of Spain (unpublishedr eport).
84
Annex H Training Programs
ANNEX H
TRAINING PROGRAMS
1. The government created the Youth Training and Employment Partnership
Program (YTEPP) in 1988 near the height of the economic crisis to address the youth
unemployment problem. A World Bank loan supported the project between 1991 and
1998 with the goals of (i) developing curriculum, training instructors and providing
equipment, (ii) increasing opportunities for youths to gain work experience, (iii)
promoting self-employment, especially through the facilitation of credit provision, and
(iv) strengthening the project management function, including monitoring and evaluation.
Since its inception, YTEPP has offered 13 cycles of courses'07 through 29 part-time,
school-based centers, 5 full-time centers and various community-based programs
throughout the country. It originally offered courses on a 9-month cycle but shortened it
to 6 months, according to student preference. On average, the program has accepted
around 5,000 students per cycle, of which 3,000-4,000 have normally graduated. A total
of almost 50,000 clients have graduated over the course of the project.
2. The program has reached substantial success on a range of parameters. ft
developed an integrated training package with a level one (pre-craft) course validated by
the Ministry of Education and level two (craft) courses, which have also been customized
to meet the demand from private sector industrial and business employers as well as state
agencies and NGOs. The program reaches vulnerable social groups: (i) the majority of
program clients have been young females, and (ii) special efforts have targeted youths in
correctional institutions. Demand for YTEPP training, reflected in the numbers of
applicants, has consistently outstripped the availability of spaces. Several tracer studies
have demonstrated positive effects of YTEPP participation on employment rates,
earnings, rates of self-employment, labor force participation, pursuit of further studies,
literacy and numeracy, and qualitative aspects of student character (e.g., motivation and
attitude).
3. Despite its general positive performance, some components of the YTEPP project
have not run well and represent important priorities for improved training activities in the
future. The goal of offering youths work experience by placing them in jobs or
apprenticeship situations after graduation has generally proved difficult for training
projects. In the case of YTEPP, the failure of the institutional framework, partially as a
result of external pressures, constrained this function - negative growth in the economy
and employment creation limited the capacity of the National Training Board (and its
National Apprenticeship Scheme) to operate as planned in the placement of graduates,
and the institution remained largely defunct until its elimination in 1997. Support for
YTEPP graduates opting for self-employment also did not materialize because of
difficulties encountered by the Youth Enterprise Support System (YESS) of the Small
107 Examples of typical course topics include: agriculture, applied arts, auto maintenance, beauty culture,
construction, craft, electricity and electronics, family services, food preparation, garment construction,
metal design and fabrication, performing arts, secretarial and support services, tourism/hospitality services.
85
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Business Development Company (SBDC) in the mobilization of credit.0' 8 Given the
poor functioning of its partners in the national training system, YTEPP had to rely on
smaller-scale in-house options (i.e., creation of its own Employment Bureau and
appointment of staff to assist micro-enterprise activities) in order to accomplish its
mandated functions, but these were insufficient for it to fully meet its objectives. Finally,
the discontinuation of the Labor Market Information System (LMIS) limited YTEPP's
ability to measure economic trends and labor market needs and thereby adjust the types
of training it offered.
4. With the termination of Bank funding, YTEPP faces different institutional
arrangements'" and must make some changes to position itself well for new
circumstances and challenges. In this regard, it has already demonstrated capacity to
adjust to prevailing conditions in order to improve operations, including: (i) its shift from
a nine-month to six-month cycle in order to reduce attrition, (ii) implementation of
modular-based training to permit easier movement from one level to another, (iii)
introduction of fees for some courses (e.g., related to construction), and (iv) marketing of
specialized training and curricula to the private sector and government agencies. As a
means of improving income generation, YTEPP will need to expand on the latter two
types of initiatives, which implies searching for new clients that can pay for services.
Improved economic conditions may facilitate this transition. However, the fundamental
issues that stimulated the founding of YTEPP still exist, i.e., high youth unemployment,
an exclusionary education system and associated social problems. Since fee-based
training involves a wider clientele, YTEPP must diversify carefully and not lose sight of
its original target population, which will continue to need subsidized training, largely
without fees. Otherwise, the organization runs the risk of sacrificing its original mission.
5. Service Volunteeredfor All (SERVOL) targets training to different segments of
the youth population through several types of programs: Junior Life Centers (10),
Adolescent Development Community Life Centers (20), Skill Training Centers (12) and
Hi-Tech Centers (3). SERVOL started working with adolescents in the first Skill
Training Center in 1971, and now 12 centers train around 1,600 youths per year in a
variety of courses.110 After realizing that many trainees did not possess the proper self-
esteem, attitudes and work habits for successful employment after skills training, in 1981
SERVOL developed the 14-week Adolescent Development Program (ADP) and started
implementing it in the Adolescent Development Community Life Centers. This
important input to the youth development process now reaches around 1,700 trainees per
year and has become a mainstay in the training program, having also been adopted by
other institutions. In 1995 the Junior Life Centers began offering cultural and
recreational activities that presently reach up to 450 young adolescents annually. The
108 Credit support through YESS for youth entering self-employment activity stopped in 1992. Special
YTEPP officers were able to access credit for graduates to a limited degree through SERVOL's Fund Aid,
which supplies credit to microentrepreneurs. The National Training Board's placement of graduates in
work-experience situations accounted for only 18% of demand.
109 The program recently moved from under the auspices of the Ministry of Education to the new National
Training Agency under the Ministry of Information,C ommunications, Distance Learning and Training.
110 These include auto mechanics, beauty culture, catering, child care, garment construction, home health
assistance, masonry, plumbing, printing, small appliance repair, welding, woodwork, etc.
86
Annex H Training Programs
final component of SERVOL's system for adolescents is the Hi-Tech Training Centers,
which focus on computer, electronics and digital electronics courses in three to four
month cycles. Three-hundred and eighty-four students participated in 1999. SERVOL
also provides its trainees with remedial education - one-third of ADP enrollees require it
- and job placement services, with a reasonable degree of success1.I1
6. The government introduced five Youth Development and Apprenticeship Centers
(YDACs), formerly known as Youth Camps, between 1964 and 1976. The original
strategy was to attract at-risk youths from poor backgroundst o live in the centers for two
years and provide them with a positive developmental experience, which involved the
adoption of positive values, education (mostly remedial), and basic skills training
(primarily in agriculture, construction and domestic/commerciala ctivities). During the
period of their stay, the residents receive TT$45/month. The centers accommodate
around 150 youths each on average, and a smaller non-residential population (around 50
on average per center) attend the trade courses.
7. The government has been aware for over ten years that the YDACs have various
limitations. 2 The fundamental problem is that the government initially founded the
centers on the old "state institution" model, and to a certain degree they have maintained
this character. Each center serves a large number of clients, which can result in the
depersonalization of relationships between the adolescents and staff. By effectively
removing the youths from their family and community environments, the centers create
an artificial situation in which the state substitutes much more organic institutions in their
traditional functions. Although this may be advantageous in certain cases (e.g., abusive
families, extreme poverty, etc.), a far less interventive role for the centers would
generally be more appropriate and efficient - they incur high annual operational costs of
around TT$17m (approximately TT$15,000/youth), of which 80% goes to pay staff
salaries. There has been little investment in the improvement or expansion of the trades
training courses and work placement activities, with the result that they are inferior in
comparison to other available options.
8. The overall inadequacy of the YDAC approach as well as recent discipline
problems led the government to close one center last year and plan for the restructuring
of the others. It intends to graduallys hift the focus of the centers from a residential mode
of operation to community-basedt raining. Given that the centers are currently single sex,
with only one for girls, this change implies the introduction of a coeducational
environment and a potential increase in the female-male ratio, since female youths
generally comprise a greater portion of the trainee population in other programs. A 1999
Ill The on-the-jobt raining program receives all money earned by trainees and then passes on two-thirds to
the trainees, who must present evaluations from their employers every two weeks. A SERVOL officer also
makes on-site monitoring visits. Many trainees obtain a full-time job before the period ends. Examples of
participating employers include Berger Paints, Sherwyn Williams, Three M, Creative Products, Computer
Power and Supplies, PC Systems, Pier One, Trinidad Yacht Club, Nursing Home, etc.
112 For example, in 1988 the government set up the Cabinet Appointed Committee to Examine the Youth
Camps, Trade Centers and Youth Centers in Trinidad and Tobago. Its report and those produced
subsequently by at least four other investigatory bodies have documented the main problems in the
YDACs' operations.
87
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
government report1' 3 recommendedt he strengtheningo f the training and concentration in
the following areas: agriculture, agro-industries, and food processing; light
manufacturing; microenterprise; services (including information technology); and
tourism. It also advocated a new management structure with an autonomous Board of
Management that would report to the Minister, similar to arrangements under YTEPP (a
limited liability company). Another goal was to establish more income generation from
productive activities and an incentive structure to replace the current resident stipend,
except in the most needy cases. Ultimately, the future of the YDACs rests on the ability
of the reform process to improve the quality of their services. If it is unsuccessful, the
remaining centers may run the risk of closure, creating a gap in service provision.
9. There are many Private Sector Initiatives in youth training that fit into two broad
groups. First, some private sector training is profit-oriented, small-scale and not
regulated by government. Over 500 institutions are registered with the Ministry of
Education as providers of technical and vocational training. Few have been through any
process of accreditation or validation. The value of the certification they offer is
questionable, and the quality of training has frequently been an issue of concern. Second,
some of the larger companies have established skills development programs for youths in
order to improve the human resource base in their respective industries. These largely
provide a higher level of training and benefit youths with a better educational
background. The following examples give an idea of the second type of training:
* The National Gas Company (NGC) supports the government's training program in
the energy sector, through the Ministry of Energy, and in cooperation with other
companies. The National Energy Skills Development Program, which replaced an
old apprenticeship program, provides scholarships,t raining and company placements.
Such a program is industry specific, takes advantage of the capacity of companies in
the sector and aims to meet their skill needs.
* Royal Bank, through its Royal Bank Institute of Business and Technology
(ROYTEC), established a training program in 1987 because of its dissatisfaction with
school leavers' skills, especially their attitudes and work ethic. The original two-
week course provided an introduction to business and personal development. Soon it
evolved into a seven month program encompassing training in economics, accounting
and marketing. Today, more than 35 companies send trainees to participate. So far,
over 1,000 students have graduated. ROYTEC is also involved in setting up
computer labs in schools through an alliance with Industry Canada (Canada's
SchooINet), and it can equip a lab for TT$45,000.
113 Division of Youth Affairs (1999): Report of the Committee to Review All Aspects of the Operations of
Youth Development and ApprenticeshipC enters, Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs, March.
88
Annex I Expenditures of the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs
ANNEX I
EXPENDITURES OF THE
MINISTRY OF SPORT AND YOUTH AFFAIRS
SAMPLE YEAR - 1995*
Category Expenditure
(TT$)
01. Personnel 7.927.107
General Administration 3,519,350
Physical Education and Sports Division 3,014,597
Youth Affairs 1,393,160
02. Goods and Services 8.842.841
General Admninistration 1,900,748
Physical Education and Sports Division 1,328,620
National Stadium 4,985,073
Youth Affairs 335,601
Youth Centers 292,798
03. Minor Equipment 205.610
General Administration 135,512
Physical Education and Sports Division 25,316
National Stadium 34,289
Youth Affairs 10,494
04. Current Transfers and Subsidies 3.667.071
Commonwealth Youth Program 154,182
International Associationo f Auditorium Managers 1,497
Non-Profit Institutions 1,873,055
Assistance to Sporting Organizations 1,020,407
President's Award Scheme 24,380
St Paul St. Gymnasium 810,269
Young Women's Christian Association 4,000
Young Men's Christian Association 1,000
Bogs Scout Association 10,000
Girl Guide Association 3,000
Households 345,898
SeveranceB enefits 5,838
Youth Centers 340,060
Youth Training 1,292,439
05. Development Proram 10566371
Sports 10,066,371
St. Paul St. Indoor Sports Hall 44,268
Irvin Park Recreation Ground 578,632
Construction of 4 Indoor Halls - Chaguanas, San Fernando, Tacarigua and Pt. Fortin 7,460,000
Installationo f Synthetic HockeyS urface - Tacariqua 1,500,000
National Stadium - StructuralT esting and associatedr emedial works 277,753
Completion of Sangre Grande Swimming Pool 150,000
Pt. DYOHr ardsurface Court 55,718
Youth Development 500,000
Refurbishmento f Youth Training Facilities 500,000
Total 31,209,000
* At this time, the Youth Development and ApprenticeshipC enters were in the portfolio of the Ministry of
Education
89
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
ANNEX J
NATIONAL YOUTH POLICY"41
1. In July of 1998 the Government of Trinidad and Tobago appointed a Special Task
Force comprising 29 representatives from various government ministries, civil society
organizations, youth associations and academia to formulate a National Youth Policy.
The Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs was appointed responsible for coordinating this
process. Since its establishmentt he Task Force has held extensive consultations with key
stakeholders throughout the country to discuss issues affecting youths, agree on a list of
priority goals, make specific recommendations on key intervention areas, and suggest
mechanisms for policy implementation and monitoring. A first challenge for the Task
Force was to provide a diagnostic picture of the current situation of youths based on
quantitative and qualitative information disaggregated by age and gender, poverty levels,
ethnicity and race, religion, family structures, health, education, employment, migration
trends, crime rates, information technology, and recreation activities. This provided the
Task Force with the background needed to make policy recommnendations.
2. The consultations were highly participatory and as a result, a background
document outlining policy objectives, priority target groups, strategy areas and proposed
recommendations has been produced. Although the background paper for the Youth
Policy is in draft form and several aspects contained in the document may be changed, it
provides a strong basis for the formulation of a sound youth policy.
3. The broadp olicy objectives are:
* to ensure the appropriate spiritual and moral development of all young people
* to ensure that all young people are provided with the opportunity for primary,
secondary and tertiary education;
* to ensure that each young person is aware of his physical makeup and pursues his
physical development by means of appropriate nutrition and exercise;
* to promote the enrichment of family life inclusive of the understanding of the
responsibility of parenthood;
* to prepare all young people for the world of work in which they are expected to be
treated with respect and in turn make a contribution worthy of their fullest potential;
* the promotion of unity and equity among all young people in the country;
* the development in all youth of a social consciousness which encourages them to be
their brother's keepers; and
* the provision of facilities which ensure that young people have avenues to relax and
enjoy life.
4. The priority target group will include young people with disabilities, orphans,
rural young men and women, urban young men and women, unemployed young women
and men, youths in school, youth out of school, street children, young pregnant women,
young men and women who are HIV positive, young drug addicts, young offenders.
114 Draft Background Document on the National Youth Policy, August 16, 1999.
90
Annex J National Youth Policy
Fourteen strategy areas where identified by the Task Force. These are: education and
training, parenting and family life, economic issues, youth in institutions, youth in rural
areas, health, arts and culture, sport and leisure, legal issues, communication and media,
gender issues, poverty, drugs, youth involvement and participation. Each of these key
strategy areas contain specific recommendationst o be implemented and monitored by a
ministry, CBO, and/or NGO.
5. The objectives and proposed recommendations outlined in the background
document for the youth policy are consistent with the national policy priorities presented
in the government's Medium Term Policy Framework prepared by the Ministry of
Finance. According to the Policy document, social sector policies are aimed at
empowering the socially vulnerable through community participation, promotion of
individual talents within communities in the area of cuhure, arts and sports. In addition,
the government intends to strengthen existing programs supporting families and children,
community groups, probation services, adoption, foster care services, training, short-term
employment programs of a productive nature targeted to women and youth among others.
The preparation of the National Youth Policy is mentioned as a priority, including the
establishment of a National Youth Council to enable youth participation in the planning
and implementation of national development objectives. Equally important is the
objective of improving access and provision of judicial services to the general public,
including the reduction in the case backlog and reform of the laws to meet present
demands.
6. The Government intends to ensure the participation of youths in the
implementationo f the policy by:
- Strengthening and sustainably developing youth bodies through institutional
strengtheninga nd capacity building programs
* Facilitating the establishment of and supporting a National Youth Council for the
purpose of coordinating the activities of youth groups and making recommendations
to the government on matters affecting the youth in Trinidad and Tobago
- Providing facilities for research and development on youth matters and assistance for
the networking of youths groups and agencies, regionally and internationally
* Establishing a voluntary community/nationals ervice program for all youth
* Ensuring youth representation on all cabinet appointedp olicy-making bodies
7. Implementation Arrangements. According to the background document for the
National Youth Policy, the Youth Affairs Division and the division responsible for youth
of the Tobago House of Assembly will be the lead agencies in monitoring the
implementationo f the Youth Policy. Specifically,t hese two agencies will be responsible
for monitoring and evaluation of the implementationo f the youth policy, assisting youth
groups and agencies in research and development of projects aimed at benefiting the
youths, providing capacity building to organizations working on youth issues,
establishing information centres on youth issues, promote general public awareness on
the Youth Policy, and facilitate and coordinate the development of youth programmes
and projects in Trinidad and Tobago. A Steering Committee chaired by the Ministry of
91
Trinidad and Tobago: Youth and Social Development
Sports and Youth Affairs and comprising of representatives of the National Parent-
Teachers Association, Inter-religious Organization, and the Teachers' Association, will
be formed to monitor the implementationo f the strategies proposed in the youth policy.
8. Suggestions have been made in the background document regarding the need to
evaluate the institutional capacity and organizational structures of the lead agencies. It
was also suggested that an external consultant undertakes such an evaluation and
provides specific recommendations. The document also recognizes the need for
coordination among and within government agencies, non-governmental organizations,
community based organizations, private sector and donor agencies. Each agency is
expected to develop a plan of action to implement specific recommendatiQnsp ut forward
in the Youth Policy.
9. Strengths and Weaknesses. As indicated above, the youth policy background
document provides a sound basis for the preparation of a comprehensive National Youth
Policy. The participatory process that was followed merits recognition and the
government should be commended for undertaking such a difficult task in a transparent
and participatory manner. The issues and concerns facing the youths as presented in the
document reflect the realities of the country, and the findings of the World Bank mission
are consistent with the picture depicted in the document. While most of the objectives
and proposed strategic recommendations are well articulated, some could benefit from
further refinement (e.g. youth in institutions) and certain areas need elaboration (e.g. teen
pregnancy, legal aspects in youth development, gender issues, clear mechanisms for
youth participation ). This is likely to happen as the government embarks in the final
stages of the drafting of the policy.
10. The areas which have been highly neglected are the institutional and
organizational arrangements for the implementation of the policy. As it will be indicated
in section 5.5.1 below, current coordination between government agencies needs
improvement, including coordination and cooperation with civil society organizations,
NGOs and the private sector. Similarly, government officials cited inadequate
information management systems, lack of coordination, inadequate technical skills,
proper monitoring and evaluation, inadequate financial/accounting systems, poor
infrastructure, and insufficient resources as constraints currently faced by many agencies
working on youth issues. Therefore, the institutional and organizational arrangements
must be analyzed in the context of patters of interaction among different implementing
agencies, the governance structure within and between agencies, the institutional capacity
within agencies, and the incentive structures for cooperation between government,
NGOs, CBOs, and the private sector.
11. The background document appears to assume that agencies and policy actors will
follow and carry out the proposed recommendations. If this is not the case, the problem
could be classified as an implementation failure and not blamed on the policy. The
background document further assumes that policy making should be understood in terms
of goals or ends sought, instead of viewing it as a process which requires collective action
and well delineated institutional arrangements for implementation, monitoring and
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Annex J National Youth Policy
evaluation. Given that the government intends to develop such a comprehensive and
complex policy, it should pay close attention to potential implementation constraints.
The policy should ideally cover the operationalization of policy prescriptions in to
specific objectives and actions which define the agencies, procedures, capacities, and
behaviors required to achieve specific outcomes1.15
12. Part of the complexity of the policy lies on the nature of the objectives and
recommendations. The proposed objectives and strategic recommendations cut across
many different sectors (e.g., education, health, employment); range from practical
operational proposals (e.g. construct more facilities for children in need of care) to
reforms and changes in processes and systems (e.g. improve judicial system); and,
require different levels of intervention by different units within agencies. Definition of
roles and responsibilities accompanied by an analysis of the proposed institutional and
organizational arrangements is necessary. In addition, the youth policy should clearly
state the sequencing or time frame of when certain goals are expected to be achieved.
This will help in the prioritization of interventions in light of the scarce financial
resources.
13. In revising the youth policy, the government might direct attention toward five
basic principles/actions:
- Provide all youth an opportunity, within the school system or in alternative settings,
to learn, grow and respect themselves and others.
* Give youth of both genders and of all ethnic, religious and economic backgrounds
systematic opportunity to voice their opinions, needs and proposals to promote
learning and self-help and influence policies that affect them.
* Promote community-based youth initiatives geared to reducing insecurity and
violence.
* Encourage inter-generationald ialogue to develop role models and encourage parental
accountabilitya nd youth responsibility.
* Provide youth regularly with information with which to make decisions about their
lives.
115 Brinkehoff D.W. InstitutionalA nalysis: Basic Issues and World Bank Responses. September, 1998
93
Trinidada nd Tobago: Youth and Social Development
ANNEX K
PRELIMINARY COMMENTS ON REPORT
FROM GOVERNMENT OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
The report of the World Bank Delegation on Youth and Social Development has been
reviewed in brief by staff of the Change Management Unit for Poverty Eradication and
Equity Building of the Ministry of Social and CommunityD evelopment and general
comments of the Director Youth Affairs have also been incorporated.
Overall Comment
The report has been found to be extremely comprehensive, addressingt he substantive
issues involved in the empowerment of youth and in particular "at risk" youth in the
country.
The strategiesr ecommended have been found to be appropriate and reflect a confirmation
and restatement of the approach currently being pursued by the Ministry of Sport and
Youth Affairs and recommended both in the CommonwealthP lan of Action for Youth
and Sport and the National Youth Policy.
In this regard, and consistent with the World Bank recommendations,t here would be
need for further dialogue with the key actors and stakeholders to establishp riorities and
to ensure that the recommendationsd ove tail with other ongoing and proposed initiatives.
SpecijficC omments
The report recognised that investing in the youth would bring significant social and
economic benefits to Trinidad and Tobago. Moreover it recognised that significant
emphasis had to be placed on addressing the plight of at risk youth, which could amount
to about 1/3 of the youth population.
A Transitional Strategyi s recommendedw hich involves:
i. Facilitating access to schooling and retention of youth at-risk in schools
ii. Reaching youth outside of the school with additional educational options
iii. Improving the delivery and quality of training and its relevance to the
market
iv. Adopting appropriate policy and legislationr egarding the monitoring and
regulation of alternativesa nd reform of safely net programmes
v. Establishingt he institutionali nfrastructure necessary to promote an
integrated approach to youth development and implementt he transitional
strategy.
There is general agreement with the substantive recommendations. Specif c comments
and strengthening of the recommendations,w hich will havef inancial implications, are
as follows:
Re. i. Facilitating access to schooling and retention ofyouth at-risk in schools
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Annex K Comments on Reportf rom Governmento f Trinidada nd Tobago
Adoptine and Piloting the Full Service Community Schools
There is need for a local consultancyt eam of 3-4 persons, includinga  Psychologist,
Guidance Officer and Family Planning Expert to review the existingp rogrammes
currently offered within the school system, what is required and make specific
recommendations. The Team should also identify specific area schools in which the
programme should be piloted and have responsibilityf or oversight of the implementation
process in the schools.
Promoting a Positive youth culture in school through after-school activities
The Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs as part of its strategic development strategy, has
already identified for construction,Y outh DevelopmentC entres in poor/remote
communities. A coordinated approach should however be taken as it relates to:
i. the financing of this development
ii. the staffmg of these facilities
iii. the training of the resource persons.
Re. ii Reaching youth outside of the school with additional educational options
SuvportinE the development of alternatives and remedial education proerammes
There is a clear need for strengtheningt he excellent strategy adopted by the Cocorite
Learning Centre to reach youth who are unplaced at the Common Entrance Examination.
What is also recommended is that the range of services offered be expanded and the
overall strategy duplicated throughout Trinidad and Tobago.
Re. iii Improving the delivery and quality of training and its relevance to the market
Item 147. This approach needs to be preceded by the development of a specific
curriculum and set operating standards to ensure that consistency and quality are
maintained. This would therefore require a special team of local experts to develop the
model. A legislative framework must also be developed to complementt his initiative.
Implementation Stratem'
Establishing a National Youth Development Council
This approach is fully endorsed. It must however provide an opportunity of the
integration of the national Education Policy with Youth Development.
Creating a YouthD evelopment Fund
The recommendationd oes not indicate the source of the funding,t he quantum and the
administrationo f the fund. Grant funding is preferred for this component of the project.
Conclusion
One of the things that is quite clear, is that several components of the proposal would
require considerable financing. No specific mention or recommendationsw ere made
with respect to the possible options for funding.
We would therefore appreciate an understanding of the exact quantum and type of
financing the World Bank would be willing to invest in a project of the magnitude.
95