© 2009 USC Annenberg School for Communication. Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license. All rights not granted thereunder to the public are reserved to the publisher and may not be exercised without its express written permission. Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009, iii–vii TABLE OF CONTENTS FROM THE GUEST EDITORS Deconstructing ICT Skills and Employability PDF Maria Garrido, Akhtar Badshah, Chris Coward pp. iii-vii RESEARCH ARTICLES Skills Are Not Binary: Nuances in the Relationship Between ICT Skills and Employability ABSTRACT PDF Rebecca Walton, Cynthia Putnam, Erica Johnson, Beth Kolko pp. 1-18 Training on Communication and Information Technologies, Employment and Youth: The Case of Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico ABSTRACT PDF Judith Mariscal, Antonio Jose Junqueira Botelho, Luis Gutierrez pp. 19-30 An ICT Skills Cascade: Government-Mandated Open Source Policy as a Potential Driver for ICT Skills Transfer ABSTRACT PDF Andrea Tapia, Edgar Maldonado pp. 31-51 Teleworking the Mobile Caribbean: Emerging Patterns of Broadband-Assisted Remote Work Among the Marginalized in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago ABSTRACT PDF Hopeton Dunn pp. 52-66 FORUM E-Inclusion Policies and Initiatives in Support of Employability of Migrants and Ethnic Minorities in Europe PDF Stefano Kluzer, Gabriel Rissola pp. 67-76 Give For-Profit Rural Business Centers a Chance to Diversify Into Service-Led Employment and Village BPOs PDF Robert Schware pp. 77-80 E-Skills: Who Made That Big Dent in My Flat World? PDF Bruno Lanvin, Martin Kralik pp. 81-84 From the Guest Editors Deconstructing ICT Skills and Employability Introduction Economic empowerment for marginalized people is one of the core interests driving ICTD practice and scholarship. Many non-governmental organizations state that improving the economic livelihood of their communities is one of their most important missions. Many training programs, from those which are donor- and public-supported to those which are privately operated, have been built with the ex- press purpose of providing people who come into the centers with the skills they need to be hired by a local company, obtain a better-paying job, or start a microenterprise. While numerous studies have documented the labor markets for high-end ICT skills (programmers and other IT specialists), surprisingly little research has been conducted on basic ICT skills—those skills needed to perform the common tasks associated with almost any job—especially among underserved communities in developing countries. It is for this reason that we organized this special issue, to cap- ture and encourage research in this area. This topic is now all the more poignantly relevant due to the current global economic crisis. Around the world, people are re-skilling and up-skilling themselves in the hopes of becoming more competi- tive in the labor market. In the United States, for example, the older workforce, many of whom were retired and must now return to work, cite information technology as the number one skill where they require training (AARP, 2007). This is in an environment where more than half of today’s jobs require the use of a computer (Workforce Development Council of Seattle—King County, 2007). Whether it is for an underserved member of a developed or a developing country, how will such skills translate into employment opportunities? What are the most effective ways for people to learn and apply ICT skills across diverse population types and socioeconomic contexts? Are educational institutions, NGOs, and other organizations applying effective strategies? What is the role of national policy? Employability Is Not the Same as Employment Over the last two years, the Center for Information & Society at the University of Washington has con- ducted research into the above questions to understand the role of basic ICT skills1 among the myriad of factors that affect employment prospects, the practices of NGO training programs, and the path- ways people take into the labor market. In framing this issue, we posit that employability is not the same as employment. Employment is a binary concept—you can count employment rates. Employabil- 1. Deªned by the Commission of the European Communities (2007): “The capabilities required for effective application of ICT systems and devices by the individual. ICT users apply systems as tools in support of their own work, which is, in most cases, not ICT. User skills cover the utilization of common generic software tools and the use of specialized tools supporting business functions within industries in addition to the ICT industry.” iii © 2009 USC Annenberg School for Communication. Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license. All rights not granted thereunder to the public are reserved to the publisher and may not be exercised without its express written permission. Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009, iii–vii ity, on the other hand, describes “a set of factors, processes, [and training opportunities] that enable people to progress towards or get into employment, to stay in employment, to move on in the work- place, [or to ªnd entrepreneurial opportunities]” (Government of Scotland, 2007). We believe this broad deªnition of employability provides a more appropriate construct to explore if, as well as the ex- tent to which, ICT skills play a role in helping low-income groups improve their economic opportuni- ties. There are a variety of factors that inºuence the progress toward employability beyond an individ- ual’s ICT knowledge, skills, and attitudes, such as level of formal education, social networks, a region or community’s economic viability, social class, caste, gender stereotypes, learning styles, and labor market dynamics, among others. A community’s social and cultural fabric also plays a decisive role in attracting and retaining the most competitive workers (Sullivan, 2009; West & Garrido, 2007; Chap- ple, 2006; de Grip & Zwick, 2005; Houston, 2005; Fugate et al., 2004; Brown et al., 2003; Peck & Theodore, 2000; and Hillage & Pollard, 1998). Precisely because employability encompasses the combi- nation of factors that demand contextualization, it creates a fertile ground for innovative research that explores the role of ICT skills in this process. The challenge for researchers in this ªeld is to talk about employability by drawing from particular cases and examples, but also by extrapolating the ªndings to make them relevant and transferable across settings. Basic ICT Skills and Employability—Do They Play a Role? Our research has further identiªed three roles that basic ICT skills play in promoting progress toward employability: 1. Gateway skills. People can be excluded from consideration for employment just by virtue of not be- ing able to demonstrate basic ICT knowledge, such as might be shown by a certiªcate. In these cases, no amount of effort to conduct an online job search, write a résumé, or receive assistance in other areas will make a noticeable difference. ICT skills are often a gateway that enables the possibil- ity of employment. 2. One among many necessary skills. ICT skills can be a necessary element of the set of requisite skills. Communication, critical thinking, and teamwork are examples of others that are frequently cited (Conference Board, 2006). Many organizations that promote employability weave ICT skills into a larger curriculum of such foundational skills. In these cases, ICT skills may tip the balance, or they may “keep the applicant in the running,” so that some other variable can come into play. 3. Catalyst for key skill development. In some settings, basic ICT skills have become so prevalent that, once the gateway function is satisªed, ICT skills are never referenced again. They are taken for granted, like reading and numeracy, particularly in settings saturated by training opportunities and exposure to technology. In these settings, domain expertise or some other differentiating characteris- tic is the key. Computer training sometimes attracts students, catalyzing the pursuit of other skills and services. For example, someone may enroll in a computer class because it is modern and attrac- tive. Perhaps they may have a positive learning experience and decide to pursue advanced education at a trade school or community college. In instances like these, the computer skills did not tip the balance per se, but the computer training program catalyzed a series of events that did. At the same time, we should caution that basic ICT skills are rarely the missing link that miraculously transforms employment prospects. Lower wage, lower skill workers typically face multiple barriers, many of which are more complex than unfamiliarity with email or word processing. ICT literacy cannot be isolated from larger social and personal contexts. Soft skills are important, as are solutions to chal- lenges such as childcare, affordable housing, transportation, time, and appropriate attire. Homeless and immigrant populations operate under additional constraints. The hurdles are diverse and individu- iv Information Technologies and International Development alized, and ICT must be integrated into this larger context of needs to credibly advance employability and economic opportunities for low-income groups. Papers in This Special Issue In November 2008, the guest editors invited submissions that address the relationship between ICT skills and employability. The four research articles and three forum pieces selected for publication pres- ent ªndings highlighting a diverse range of local contexts, nuances, social forces, policy directions, and other factors that contribute to employability capabilities and outcomes. Walton, Putnam, Johnson, & Kolko examine the role of ICT skills and employment in the context of the Central Asian nation of Kazakhstan. Their ªndings indicate that, while ICT skills can be a predictor of employment and higher income, the levels of ICT skills required to obtain these jobs are not as high as one may expect. They argue that what are perceived as basic ICT skills in a developed nation are considered sophisticated skills in developing countries and transitional economies. This ªnding has im- plications for policy and program development aimed at improving employability, and they suggest that training efforts should focus on contextualizing the meaning of basic skills to local socioeconomic settings. Mariscal, Botelho, & Gutierrez analyze the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in pro- viding ICT skills training to improve the employment opportunities for youth in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico. The authors argue that NGOs play important roles as liaisons for effective adoption of ICTs among youth and for the development of some of the professional skills required to enter into the la- bor market. However, most NGOs in these countries are small and fragmented, and they have only limited capacity to understand the trends and demands of the labor market and form partnerships with potential employers. These limitations hamper their ability bridge the gap between ICT skills train- ing and employment. Tapia & Maldonado use the mandatory migration to open source software by the government in Venezuela to explore the extent to which a policy-oriented approach to universal skills can provide op- portunities for ICT skills transfer to traditionally underserved populations. Although the data to meas- ure the success of this approach is still limited, the authors argue that the strategies employed by the Venezuelan government have the potential to begin a cascade of change throughout the country. Dunn examines the experiences of the Caribbean nations of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. The author argues that extensive penetration of mobile telephony in the islands can potentially open eco- nomic opportunities for poor and marginalized communities and make the region more competitive in the global economy. He proposes to use telework as a strategy to exploit the advantages of a Carib- bean workforce and the use of the mobile phone as a bridging technology to encourage more ad- vanced usage of other ICTs by marginalized groups for a wider range of work-related activities. Kluzer & Rissola discuss the European Union’s e-Inclusion initiative, and in particular, the policies aimed at improving the standing of marginalized groups in the labor market. The authors state that the shrinking labor force in Europe demands concise and orchestrated policy actions that help improve ICT access and digital literacy among underserved populations. Using the experience of immigrants and ethnic minorities in EU countries, the authors argue that a bottom-up approach to ICT skills devel- opment would enhance the chances for integrating these minority groups into the labor market by better matching their competencies to job-task needs. Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 v Schware discusses the role of Business Processs Outsourcing Centers (BPOs) in promoting economic development for rural communities using the “rural business kiosk project” known as Nemmadi in the State of Karnataka, India. He argues that the build-own-operate model that Nemmadi uses can help address, to some extent, sustainability problems that many telecenters face. In addition, rural business centers can promote economic activities by outsourcing services and increasing employability prospects in rural areas. Lanvin & Králik argue that, as global competition is becoming highly knowledge-centric, the skills related to information-intensive societies (e-Skills) are becoming increasingly strategic. This trend is making more visible the growing gap in the ability of existing educational systems to produce e-skilled workers. The authors propose a multi-stakeholder approach to skills development as a key condition for narrowing the e-Skills gap. Adjustments of educational systems, promotion of career prospects for IT jobs among women, and other steps are required in order to improve access to both the labor mar- ket and to upward mobility opportunities. We thank the ITID editors for the opportunity to publish the special issue and Arlene Luck for all her support throughout the process. References AARP. (2007). Investing in Training 50 Workers: A Talent Management Strategy. AARP Report Knowledge Management Department. Brown, P., Hesketh, A., & Williams, S. (2003). Em- ployability in a Knowledge-Driven Economy. Jour- nal of Education and Work, 16, pp. 107–126. Chapple, K. (2006). Networks to Nerdistan: The Role of Labor Market Intermediaries in the Entry-level IT Labor Market. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 3, pp. 458–463. Commission of the European Communities. (2007). European i2010 initiative on e-Inclusion: To be part of the information society. Brussels. Re- trieved from: http://ec.europa.eu/information_ society/activities/einclusion/docs/i2010_initiative/ comm_native_com_2007_0694_f_en_acte.pdf Conference Board, Partnership for 21st Century Skills, Corporate Voices for Working Families, and the Society for Human Resource Management. (2006). Are they really ready to work? Employers’ perspectives on the basic knowledge and applied skills of new entrants to the 21st century US workforce. Tucson, AZ: Partnership for 21st Century Skills. Retrieved from: http://www .21stcenturyskills.org/documents/FINAL_REPORT_ PDF09-29-06.pdf de Grip, A., & Zwick, T. (2005). The employability of low-skilled workers in the knowledge economy. Retrieved November 13, 2008, from: http:// www.fdewb.unimaas.nl/roa/cv/Degrip/ De%20Grip%20%20Zwick%20Sep23.pdf Fugate, M., Kinicki, A., & Ashforth, B. (2004). Em- ployability: A psycho-social construct, its dimen- sions and applications. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 35, pp. 14–38. Government of Scotland. (2007). Deªning Employ- ability. Communication from the Scottish Govern- ment and the Scottish Center for Healthy Living. Retrieved from: http://www.healthyworkinglives .com/advice/employability/what-is-employability .aspx#deªnition Hillage, J., & Pollard, E. (1998). Employability: De- veloping a framework for policy analysis. Suffolk, UK: DfEE. Houston, D. (2005). Employability, Skills Mismatch and Spatial Mismatch in Metropolitan Labour Markets. Urban Studies, 42(2). Peck, J., & Theodore, N. (2000). Beyond “employ- ability.” Cambridge Journal of Economics, 24(6), p. 729. Sullivan, J. (2009). Constructing Employability. Cen- ter for Information & Society Thought Piece Se- ries. Retrieved April 20, 2009, from: http:// vi Information Technologies and International Development cis.washington.edu/employability/2009/04/16/ constructing-employability-framing-outcomes-to- analyze-basic-computer-skills-training/ West, M., & Garrido, M. (2007). Bridging the e-skills gap in Central and Eastern Europe: The growth of e-skills and employability initiatives in the newly expanded European Union. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Center for Information & Society. Workforce Development Council of Seattle—King County. (2007). State of the Workforce. Informa- tion Technology and the Workforce. August. Re- trieved January 2008 from: http:// www.seakingwdc.org/pdf/sow/sow-it.pdf Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 vii 52 Hopeton S. Dunn, Ph.D. hopetondunn@gmail.com Academic Director Telecommunications Policy and Management Programme Mona School of Business The Alister McIntyre Complex Building I University of the West Indies Jamaica, West Indies 1 876 977 6035/4649/2666 Teleworking the Mobile Caribbean DUNN Research Article Teleworking the Mobile Caribbean: Enabling Remote Work Among the Marginalized in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago Abstract The 21st century is characterized by the rapid growth of information and com- munication technologies (ICTs) and their assimilation into all aspects of the global political economy. The Caribbean is characterized by a heavy infusion of mobile telephony in the day-to-day lives of its people. Proªciency in the use of such ICT tools is of real value in this emerging information economy, and many governments have pursued the policy of enhancing their peoples’ ICT capacities and capabilities as a means of attaining economic growth under difªcult global circumstances. This article argues that more wide-scale and se- lective adoption of these technologies could help make the Caribbean region more competitive and enhance the lives of the poor and marginalized. One means of creatively utilizing these technologies is through telework, a concept extensively discussed in the paper as an emerging and relevant work arrange- ment. The implementation of telework through the use of mobile broadband is seen as an opportunity to exploit the advantages of a Caribbean workforce with virtually universal access to mobile telephony. The paper is grounded in the experiences of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago with the widespread use of mobile telephony. It argues for greater policy action and more policy-relevant research into how the cellular phone can be used as a bridging technology to encourage more advanced usage of broadband applications by marginalized groups in a wide range of work- related activities. Introduction “The quickest way to get out of poverty right now is to have one mo- bile telephone.” —Muhammad Yunus For the Caribbean, a region nearly saturated in access to mobile telecom- munications, the existence of vibrant cultural forms and the increasing availability of the Internet have come together to create an opportunity for the region’s quest to reach global markets and to competitively show- case its individual and corporate products and services. From this vantage point, we advocate the development of telework and its related ICT capacity in Caribbean countries such as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Success in this initiative, however, is dependent upon greater policy action and more policy-relevant research into both how mobile telephony can contribute to this model, and how it can be © 2009 USC Annenberg School for Communication. Published under Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license. All rights not granted thereunder to the public are reserved to the publisher and may not be exercised without its express written permission. Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009, 52–66 used as a bridging technology to more advanced us- age by marginalized groups. The central argument of the paper is that with close to universal access to mobile voice communi- cation in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the next logical policy emphasis should be on personal and economic development using cellular broadband technology. Primary research ªndings from studies conducted in both these countries support this central thesis. The studies by Dunn (2007) and Mallalieu and Cam- bridge (2007) indicate that the economically marginalized are already using their mobile phones to engage in business and work-related transactions to enhance their economic survival. The studies show that the three leading forms of mobile eco- nomic engagements include: 1) A strengthening of ªnancial support networks, social bonds and the consolidation of trust between family members and friends using the mobile phone. This largely falls within social capital theory and would appear to be an instrumental policy vari- able in enabling new work opportunities through networking, especially for skilled people, such as mechanics, carpenters, plumbers, etc. 2) Mobile telephony provides “address anonym- ity” for some of the respondents sampled from vola- tile communities in Jamaica. As employers tend to disfavor the so-called “wrong address,” these pro- spective applicants ªnd it very difªcult to access em- ployment through formal job application letters. Since the arrival of the mobile phone, and hence a lessened emphasis on addresses as a source for con- tacting freelance service providers, these persons are ªnding it much easier to secure jobs, as their cell phone numbers do not disclose their actual residen- tial or business location. 3) Finally, some key socially disadvantaged opera- tors of micro-enterprises have attained and main- tained viability because of their use of the cell phone for marketing, for personal security, and for coordination of stock procurement. The ªndings also indicate that with adequate education and training, in the context of a slow but constant diffu- sion of ICTs in both countries, the economic and overall well being of the poor and marginalized can improve signiªcantly. The paper’s core contribution is that the existing widespread use of mobile telephony in the Carib- bean can be leveraged to create wider and more convenient occupational engagements through telework. Recently conducted research studies de- bunk popularly held views that low-income users of the mobile phone are primarily interested in this tool for social chatter. Instead, the research ªndings from the two largest countries in the Anglophone Carib- bean suggest that people are beginning to make the transition from a social and conversational usage of their cell phones to more business-oriented and eco- nomically driven engagements. Conceptual Framework In this section of the paper, we outline some key deªnitions and concepts which help to guide the discussion on telework in the Caribbean. Surveying the general literature on telework is necessary, since there is a dearth of similar studies done on the Ca- ribbean. The ªndings from the general literature are then used as benchmarks against which we can as- sess the feasibility of remote work among the marginalized in the region through bridging technol- ogies, such as the mobile phone. Concept of Telework Within the last two decades, traditional notions of work have changed as the worker’s physical location in relation to the “central ofªce” has become less important in the worker’s execution of particular types of tasks. This transition describes the emerging occupational practice called telework. Globally, in- creasing numbers of people are working from a vari- ety of alternative locations that offer greater convenience, improved competitiveness, and little or no reduction in productivity. The facilitation for the emerging telework trend has involved the rise of mobile broadband commu- nication, including Internet-ready cellular phones and portable computers, as well as global satellite communications and secure corporate databases. Some activities previously requiring the physical pres- ence of the employee at a central work-site can now be reallocated with even greater efªciency to home-based employees or mobile contractors who are based “on the road” or at any other remote lo- cation. But telework is not without its challenges, something to which we will return later. Deªnitions of Telework The International Labour Organization (ILO) pro- posed a deªnition of telework as far back as 1990, Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 53 DUNN which is cited by Di Martino (2004, p. 4) as “a form of work in which (a) work is performed in a location remote from central ofªce or production facilities, thus separating the worker from personal contact with co-workers there; and (b) new technology en- ables this separation by facilitating communication.” The European Union Framework Agreement on Telework (2002) deªnes it as, “a form of work or organizing and/or performing work, using informa- tion technology, in the form of an employment or contract relationship, where work, which could be performed at the employers’ premises, is carried out away from those premises on a regular basis.” Milles, Carlson, Gray, and Hanneman, as cited by Atkin and Lau (2006), were the ªrst proponents of telework, or “telecommuting,” as it is described in the United States. They believed transportation sav- ings from the substitution of communication tech- nologies for some or all aspects of commuting could be realized, hence reducing the demand for oil. Tofºer (1980), another early proponent, argued in favour of a form of “cottage industry” built on communication technologies, while Huws, Korte, and Robinson (1990) pointed to organizational re- structuring and new corporate strategies as early drivers of the practice of telework. Di Martino (2001) believes the signiªcant growth in ICTs and the digitization of some forms of work provide clear avenues for ºexible work, thereby allowing countries to optimize their resource utilization and reduce their dependency on oil from fuel commuting. The underlying implication of Di Martino’s argument is that not all types of jobs are suitable for telework, just those with core inputs or products that are amenable to digitization, which can be performed at any remote location, as long as there is Internet connectivity and computing facilities. Some exam- ples of jobs amenable to digitization include archi- tectural services, ªnancial services, educational services, writing and editing, data processing, and music editing and production, among others. Huws, as cited by Bibby (1996), has outlined some major categories of teleworkers and the loca- tion of their work: 1. Multi-locational teleworkers who work from different locations such as home and em- ployer’s premises; 2. Telehomeworkers who work entirely from home; 3. Freelance teleworkers who work from home, but work for different employers; 4. Mobile teleworkers who work while travel- ing using mobile technologies. Telework: Trends and Issues The need to balance professional and personal life has been cited as an important reason for the adop- tion of telework, especially among the elderly and those with children. Higgins et al., as cited in John- son (1999), suggest that in eliminating commuting time to the ofªce, telework enhances an employee’s ability to “control, predict, and absorb change in work and family roles.” Nilles (1996) indicates that there is some empirical evidence suggesting that teleworkers are more satisªed than non-teleworkers with their ability to schedule child-care arrange- ments and with the opportunity that telework offers to spend more time with family members. It is known, however, that while, in theory, teleworking may enable more time and closer rela- tions with family, it is a real possibility that, when working from home, teleworkers may in fact have less time for their families. This may happen as some teleworkers often work longer hours than their non- telecommuting counterparts, to the detriment of family relationships. Furthermore, the issue of whether or not telework contributes positively to work-life balance is still contested. Some researchers (e.g., Hill, Hawkins, & Miller, 1996; Johnson, 1999) maintain that the virtual ofªce is a “cyberspace sweatshop” that blurs the boundaries between work and home life. One study (Olson & Primps, 1984, cited by Hill, Miller, Weiner, & Colihan, 1998) concluded that there may be little distinction be- tween work and home life, and so telecommuters may exhibit characteristics of “workaholism.” It has also been argued that teleworkers may work harder than those stationed at the central ofªce because of the lack of face-to-face supervision. While telework as a concept has been around for over two decades, it has grown in signiªcance in the last few years. In a news release by AT&T in 2002, the telecommunications corporation reported that the real estate and job retention savings arising from telework was in excess of US$100 million annually. In its annual telework productivity survey, AT&T also reported that 1. 82% of teleworkers said that balancing work and family responsibilities was a signiªcant advantage of telework; 54 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN 2. About 70% of teleworkers are more satisªed with their current job and their per- sonal and family lives; and 3. 56% of teleworkers who received compet- ing job offers said that they factored telework into their decision to accept or re- ject the offer. (AT&T, 2002) On the other hand, there may be downsides. One major example relates to the security of transmission of company data (Lafferty & Whitehouse, 2000; Mills, Wong-Ellison, Werner, & Clay, 2001; Schnei- der, 2004). The transmission of unprotected data on the Internet can make an organization vulnerable to malicious software (malware) attacks that can po- tentially damage its software and hardware infra- structure. Another genuine threat (not unique to telework) lies in the possible unauthorized or acci- dental dissemination of sensitive, mission critical in- formation through acts such as misdirected data and industrial espionage (Baratz & McLaughlin, 2004; Schneider, 2004). Widespread use of telework may also disrupt teamwork and organizational culture, creating nega- tive synergies that could lead to reduced productivity (Canadian Teleworkers Association, 2005). The often “conªned” lifestyle of teleworkers may lead to the loss of professional interaction and camaraderie as- sociated with the traditional work setting. Some studies suggest that the growing use of the Internet has encouraged isolation, as workers are estranged from the work community where they can offer each other support or learn from each other (Oz, 2002, p. 235; Fairweather, 1999, p. 45). This is sup- ported by Mills et al., who have observed that: . . . Some customer-service or sales activities gain exponentially from the team spirit and motivation that is generated by the leaders and managers sit- ting in with the teams and “leading from the front.” A telework arrangement would not offer the same synergistic advantages. (Mills et al., 2001, p. 52) For vulnerable data entry or computer-bound teleworkers, there are health concerns relating to re- petitive strain injury such as carpal tunnel syndrome, but again, these concerns may not be unique to teleworkers. Working from home can convert some secure traditional employees into contract workers, operating ostensibly as self-employed persons lack- ing job protection and staff beneªts. In some cases, it is also argued that certain company costs could actually be transferred to the teleworking employee, including the costs of infrastructure, communica- tion, and utilities. Despite these constraints, teleworking or telecommuting is of particular interest from the per- spective of public policy and the society at large. This is due to its implications for transportation planning, fuel costs, air quality, and congestion re- lief. Urban trafªc congestion can cause personal stress, delays, and corporate productivity losses. The practice of telework may provide a strategic means for reducing the carbon footprint of certain key sec- tors and energy-intensive industries. Commuting by car or bus, particularly in peak-hour congestion, is a major source of exhaust emissions and air pollution. While telework offers a solution to trafªc conges- tion and pollution, its likely attractiveness for policy makers and governments, especially those of emerg- ing economies, is the possibility of more rapid eco- nomic growth and sustainable development. Allowing companies to occupy less space and con- trol the ªxed overhead costs of their infrastructure would likely create more proªts and provide a spill- over effect for the local economies. Researchers such as Cowell and Dunn (2006) and Di Martino (2004) have also explored the potential for telework to generate new self employment op- portunities, especially in rural and inner city areas of Latin America and the Caribbean. Telework and the Current International Environment The technologies that power telework deployment are global in nature and origin. Digital technology and the Internet provide global options for research, marketing, publishing, archiving, and producing dig- ital products and services. These innovations are among the leading motive forces of the process of globalization. By deªnition, globalization may be re- garded as an intensiªcation of the ongoing historical process of global human interaction. It derives from new means of creating and exploiting the intercon- nectedness and interdependence of heterogeneous peoples and communities of interest anywhere into a single global technological, economic, social, and cultural space. The current manifestations of globalization are not unique to the present era, but are technologi- cally and politically different. In 18th and 19th cen- tury Europe, the innovations of the magnetic Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 55 DUNN telegraphy, electricity, railways, new weapons sys- tems, the steamships, and Morse code, among oth- ers, all converged to help reduce worldwide distances, and in practice, to facilitate European im- perialism and colonial control. Geography as an ob- stacle to conquest and communication was tamed, although over a longer period than it took the con- temporary global communication networks such as the Internet to conquer global space (Dunn, 1995; Winseck & Pike, 2007). In the present era, globalization is intensiªed by digital communication, which facilitates real-time transmission of weightless bits of information across contemporary global networks. Digitalization pro- vides an innovative method of conveying voice, data, images, and text in a seamless and compact ºow of zeros and ones. As a substitute for the leg- acy of analogue systems, digital communication has helped to create the basis of the converged, so- called “next generation networks.” It is the speed and vastly enhanced capacity for global information processing that differentiates the globalization of the present to that of previous eras. It is the Internet that has given this new wave of globalization its dis- tinguishing features, including its transborder reach, the ability to transmit voluminous amounts of data, the ability to enhance research and development, and the capacity to facilitate more efªcient distribu- tion of goods and services. Castells summarizes the gamut of these issues well, stating that: In our age, the Internet could be likened to both the electrical grid and the electric engine because of its ability to distribute the power of informa- tion throughout the entire realm of human activ- ity. Furthermore, as new technologies of energy generation and distribution made possible the factory and the large corporation as the organiza- tional foundations of industrial society, the Internet is the technological basis for the organi- zational form of the Information Age: the net- work. (Castells, 2002) Neoliberalism: The Networked Society and the Market Today, globalization is taking place within the frame- work of the transcendence of systems of neoliber- alism. The mobility of capital in the present context underlines the reality that neoliberalism is primarily an economic doctrine. It advocates the supremacy of the free market as a tool to drive economic growth and to confer welfare in preference to gov- ernment intervention in the market. It advocates the deregulation of global markets, including those of telecommunication, education, and information technology services. Libertarian economics believes in the rationality of man as an economic agent who will always pursue a course of action that will yield him the greatest utility. Secondly, this same doctrine, commonly expressed as neoclassical economics, be- lieves in Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” hypothesis, which holds that invisible forces work in perfect congruence to equilibrate demand and supply in all markets, whether they are for land, labor, capital, or natural resources. In light of the growing networked society, capital mobility has increased principally because of its diffusible nature as a result of ICT applications. In a real sense, cyberspace, which seamlessly connects persons anywhere and anytime, has become the new battleªeld for corporate rivals, as well as a new reservoir of opportunities for those who are disempowered by traditional systems in their real geographical localities. But the new face of digital globalization also subsumes many of the inequalities and conquests of the past, resulting in a digital divide between those with constant and regular access to the information society and those without. The digital divide has been narrowly deªned in terms of access to the physical resources necessary to enter that informa- tion society, namely computers and the Internet. Van Dijk (1999) refers to four kinds of barriers which restrict access. These include a lack of elementary digital experience (mental access), a lack of comput- ers and network connections (physical access), a lack of digital skills (skills access), and a lack of signiªcant usage opportunities (usage access). Within the Caribbean space, e-exclusion and the digital divide are reºected in access by less than 20% of regional citizens to Internet-based computer systems and big screen broadband services. How- ever, with close to ubiquitous access to mobile voice communication through the cellular phone, the available technology of choice among the majority of Caribbean people is being re-purposed as an in- strument of personal and economic development. From this vantage point, one can better understand the imperative of developing telework and its re- lated ICT capacity in the Caribbean countries. 56 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN For many societies, such as those in the Carib- bean, without government intervention and some form of government regulation, digital dividends will never be realized. The survival of disempowered in- dividuals and sectors of society could be endangered by being left to the consequences of the market. It is both the doctrine of competition and the power of governmental regulation that have led to the rapid and organized growth of the new telecommu- nications sector in both Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, laying the foundation for virtual saturation of mobile telephony internally, as well as strong inter-modal network delivery systems into and out of the region. Telework and the Caribbean Context This paper focuses on two Anglophone Caribbean countries, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. While these countries have important national peculiarities, they also display many of the attributes of the ma- jority of the English-speaking and other countries in the region. They are all small, open, vulnerable economies striving to come to terms with a post- colonial legacy of under-development. Their mostly inherited political systems accommodate frequent election of political and civic leaders and reºect, for the most part, the popular will. There are differentiated levels of economic growth and development trends among countries in the region, but a common factor is their historical dependence on traditional agricultural products and tourism as the main sources of income. According to the Caribbean Development Bank, tourism was one of the three major contributors to growth across the region in 2006, followed by construction and services. Against the context of continued reli- ance on traditional sectors, two issues are drawn into sharp focus which have serious implications for the future earnings and viability of the region. These two issues, discussed in the following sections, are the liberalization of monopoly sectors and the geospatial separateness and balkanization of Carib- bean territories. Liberalization of Monopoly Sectors The World Trade Organization’s (WTO) 1995 General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provided for the systematic liberalization of monop- oly sectors in all member countries, as well as the removal of subsidies and tariffs on particular goods and other artiªcial barriers to free trade. This in- cluded the telecommunications services sector, where monopoly had reigned for more than a cen- tury. The rapid growth of the mobile user base in Ja- maica rose from about 300,000 mobile subscribers in the year 2000 to more than 2.5 million at the end of 2007 as the result of the governmental policy shift from monopoly to a competitive market and in- creased foreign direct investments. After more than a century of monopoly telecommunications service provision in the region by the incumbent Cable and Wireless PLC, Jamaica led the move into a competi- tive framework with the adoption, in 2000, of a new Telecommunications Act. Trinidad and Tobago followed in 2005. Consumers in both Jamaica and Trinidad and To- bago welcomed the break in the Cable and Wireless monopoly as governments introduced new laws and regulations, which were backed by WTO commit- ments and ministerial policy directives to liberalize the markets. As a result, in Trinidad and Tobago, mobile subscribers accounted for more than 50% of all telephony subscribers in that country (Mallalieu & Cambridge, 2007), and over 70% in Jamaica by 2007. Both Dunn (2007) and Mallalieu and Cambridge (2007), in separate country studies done for the Re- gional Dialogue on the Information Society (DIRSI) of mobile telephony in Jamaica and Trinidad and To- bago, indicated respectively a rapid growth of that segment over the period 2000–2006. As an exam- ple, in Trinidad and Tobago, mobile telephony expe- rienced growth of 1,069%, compared to the growth in ªxed telephony (19.9%) over the same period. In Jamaica, a rapid process of ªxed to mobile substitu- tion rendered the mobile sector the largest and faster growing segment in the regional telecom industry. The liberalization process has brought sig- niªcant returns to the telecommunications sector. In Jamaica alone, total spectrum fees collected since the beginning of the liberalization process, from April 2000 up to March 2007, are estimated at JM$4.74 billion1 (JM$4.364 billion2 for cellular li- Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 57 DUNN 1. Approximately US$72.9 million, at US$1 JM$65 2. Approximately US$71.3 million, at US$1 JM$65 censes and JM$380 million3 ( for other mobile spec- trum licenses). The total general consumption tax (GCT) collected since liberalization was estimated at JM$40 billion.4 The total revenue realized by the Government from the sale of cellular licenses to Digicel, Oceanic Digital (Miphone), and AT&T Wire- less is US$98.5 million (PIOJ ICT Task Force, 2007). Digicel, an Irish-based ªrm, entered the market in 2001, and within 100 days of the start of opera- tions, they had secured an unexpected 100,000 mo- bile subscribers. Unlike the incumbent Cable and Wireless, Digicel quickly provided mobile telephony services to remote and rural parts of the island and sold cellular handsets for between US$30 and US$50, which, at 2001 currency exchange rates, was more affordable for low-income earners. Two other crucial factors allowing this rapid growth in penetration levels were that Digicel in- troduced the low-cost mobile handsets with pre- payment plans and calling cards denominated in as little as US$ 2.20, and that Digicel introduced per second billing compared to per minute billing by in- cumbent Cable and Wireless. With low handset prices, the process of citizen ownership of a piece of the digital mobile revolution had now been well and truly embarked upon by even the marginalized so- cial classes in the region. By late 2006, the provision of a wired service by Columbus Communications, trading as Flow, added competition in the provision of landline services, in- cluding the so-called triple-play option of landline telephone, cable TV, and Internet services. These competing entities, providing more diverse offerings, have contributed to an expansion in a burgeoning new telecommunications landscape, one which of- fers greater access for the low-income or unem- ployed inner city residents and remote rural users who were previously excluded from the network by cost and technology. This process of opening up of the Jamaican and “Trinbagonian” telecom markets had the critical ef- fect of expanding access to telephony beyond the preserve of the rich and upper classes in both socie- ties, to include those at the lower tiers on the eco- nomic ladder. However, as indicated earlier, large- screen, Internet-ready tools and computers have had a much slower rate of diffusion and assimilation in both countries. Mallalieu and Cambridge (2007) in- dicated that, at the end of December 2006, Internet subscription rates were at only 6.2% in a Trinidad and Tobago population of over 1.3 million people. Similarly, Dunn (2007), in the Jamaica country report on mobile telephony, found that just over 20% of Jamaican respondents had large-screen Internet access. The Caribbean Discourse on Telework In a large sense, for the marginalized of our socie- ties, access to ICT is fast becoming the currency of the digital economy in this “digital millennium” (Dunn, 1995). While Caribbean nations remain at different levels of underdevelopment, sharing a common incidence of digital poverty, displacement, and marginalization, it is conceivable that improved access to education, as well as new forms of work, such as telework, may well be key catalysts in the region’s transformation. The idea of telework entered the Caribbean dis- course quite late, although the concept had been under discussion in the industrialized North for a decade and a half prior. For the Caribbean region, initial reference to its prospects and challenges only emerged at the start of the new millennium. In an article on Jamaica published in 2000, entitled “Globalization, Tele-Working and new Trade Union Strategies,” Dunn (2000) addressed the attractive prospects of telework for off-shore employment, noting that “if productivity-related problems of the region are to be successfully tackled, all participants in the social context will need to contemplate new and innovative ways to achieve and sustain employ- ment levels within the limits of acceptable occupa- tional standards . . .” Continuing, Dunn observed that emerging technologies were creating tele- working opportunities, not just within, but also from outside of Jamaica. “Suppliers of information inten- sive services can now engage in cross border trade, in the re-location of work sites, and in the concen- tration of certain jobs within speciªc cost effective social, economic, and geographical zones” (ibid.). With respect to conventional trade union practices of centralized collective bargaining, it raised the challenge of alternative methods of organizing. The 2000 paper established that the issues arising from telework for the Caribbean trade union movement and for employers included the need to restructure 58 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN 3. Approximately US$5.8 million, at US$1 JM$65 4. Approximately US$61.5 million, at US$1 JM$65 work organization and management, to review con- ventional shift working, and to re-think employees’ career development and training, as well as to pre- pare for future changes in employment trends (ibid.). The meteoric rise of mobile telephony in the re- gion would suggest that people are not technology averse and will acquire communication tools within their budget. The slow rate of computer acquisition and Internet access and usage in both countries ap- pears to be the result of affordability factors, as many low-income families have been found to indi- cate interest in buying computers for their children’s research and homework, if the families were able to afford it (Dunn, 2008). The policy of seeking to de- crease the price of computer hardware and other access costs appears to be a necessary one if the declared expectations by the governments of e-commerce, e-government, online education, teleworking, and other economic applications are to be adopted by wide sections of the populations. Telework and Mobile Telephony in the Caribbean: Existing Research This paper draws on several major research projects about ICT development and applications in countries of the region. The ªrst was a signiªcant research project on the subject of telework in Jamaica, Barba- dos, and Trinidad and Tobago by Cowell and Dunn (2006), entitled “Telework: New Forms of Work and Employment Opportunities in the Caribbean.” There was also a series of research studies carried out by the Regional Dialogue on the Information Society (DIRSI) entitled: “Mobile Opportunities: Poverty and Telephony Access in Latin America and the Carib- bean.” From this series of studies, this paper mainly draws on four major studies: the Jamaica Country Report on the National Household Survey among Low Income Mobile Users (Dunn, 2007); its counter- part country report from Trinidad and Tobago writ- ten by Mallalieu and Cambridge (2007); and ªnally, two qualitative research studies on mobile telephony and poverty in Jamaica. The Telework Project In this study, Cowell and Dunn (2006) sought to ex- amine the prospect of telework in the Caribbean, with a focus on three countries: Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Barbados. The study explored stakeholder perceptions of the extent to which the Caribbean technology infrastructure, labor policy framework, and attitudes could support the growth of telework in the region, which might thereby cre- ate more employment opportunities. The approach to information gathering was qualitative, including in-depth interviews and focus groups. A component of secondary research was also included, providing an extensive review of diverse literature on the topic. This study found that, despite further advances in the region’s ICT industry, the practice of telework had gained little corporate or governmental atten- tion. Cowell and Dunn suggested that several pre- disposing economically and socially beneªcial factors remained unexplored by the main industry players with regard to the deployment of telework in Carib- bean economies (ibid.). Consequently, despite emerging patterns of use at the individual level, the successful adoption of telework is dependent upon the adoption of government policies geared to grow this sector. Mobile Opportunities Much of the data on regional mobile telephony pat- terns in this paper have been garnered from the Mobile Opportunities Project executed by DIRSI in 2007–2008. Dunn (2007) and Mallalieu and Cam- bridge (2007) were the conductors of two of seven country studies on mobile telephony usage in Latin America and the Caribbean. The studies indicate the results of national household surveys of mobile tele- phony usage among low-income respondents in both countries. Both surveys were executed at around the same time, using an extensive question- naire of more than 100 questions related to mobile telephony and other telecommunication and ICT us- age patterns. There was also a qualitative study which delved further into the results that came out of Jamaica, entitled “Wha’ a Gwaan: Research Re- port on a Qualitative Study of Mobile Telephony and Poverty in Jamaica.” With the objective of gaining clearer understanding of the usage patterns, thoughts, nuances, and experiences of Jamaica’s ur- ban and rural poor, the study made use of in-depth interviews, focus groups and research diaries. The ªnal, related study was a working paper entitled “Genderstanding Mobile Telephony: Women, Men and Their Use of Cellular Phones in Jamaica,” which brought together varied qualitative perspectives on usage patterns by different social groups (Dunn & Dunn, 2007). Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 59 DUNN Telework: Emerging Patterns of Use Teleworking the Mobile Phone With existing cost constraints among the poor, the cell phone appears to be the best interim option to- ward empowering its users to be even more active participants in the global and local information economy. Low-income people, in Jamaica for exam- ple, are already using the cell phone in their quest for economic survival by keeping in touch socially with friends, family, and associates who could assist in times of special economic need. Others use the phone to combine social calls with inquiries about services and job opportunities, for marketing of ideas and products, and for informal business net- working (Dunn, 2008). This is the ªrst stage of teleworking among the marginalized. In “Genderstanding Mobile Telephony: Women, Men and Their Use of Cellular Phones in Jamaica” Dunn and Dunn (2007, p. 10) found that “People are combining in a seamless manner an economic usage with their social communication. As one re- spondent Inez indicated in her interview, she uses her phone to call her friend, and what may appear to be a social call also functions as a business link. Others send or receive overseas calls related to re- mittances, child support, house-keeping income, and cross-border business trading. It is clear that where users are involved in self-employment or small businesses, the phone is used to garner new business and to make their services more timely and efªcient, while also maintaining social contacts with friends and family.” Social capital theory provides another way to look at the feasibility of the mobile phone helping to both make the region more competitive and to make the life of poor people and marginalized groups more prosperous. This theory holds, by em- phasizing the intangible value of social groups, that the nature and extent of social interaction can shape economic performance (Sinha, 2005). Mallalieu and Cambridge (2007) found that, “of all the mobile calls made in the month prior to the survey, the most frequent recipients were friends and in-country relatives, followed by work place.” This provides evi- dence of a strong social networking application of mobile telephony. Similar ªndings were reported in Jamaica. It is perfectly understandable that fewer calls were made to work places, as the survey was conducted among bottom-of-the-pyramid, low- income households, who have a higher rate of un- employment than other social groups. But despite these disadvantages, work-related and economic ac- tivities were emerging as part of the universe of calls made. This supports the argument that social network- ing is crucial to the survival of these marginalized people, as the vicissitudes of life at the bottom of the pyramid dictate that survival is not about what you know, but about whom you know and who knows you. As one respondent in Jamaica indicated, “it’s not just who you know, but who you call, and who calls you.” Mobile Telephony and Small and Medium Enterprises Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are critical pil- lars supporting the bottom-of-the-pyramid economy and therefore are an indicated avenue for systematic and sustainable poverty reduction (Botelho & Alves, 2007). Poor people and marginalized groups often engage in micro enterprise as a form of entrepre- neurship and for survival. These activities are reºected in market stalls, artisanship, building and maintenance trades, street stalls, corner shops, itin- erant vending, taxi and hand-cart services, and pi- rated music and video sales, among other legal and illegal activities. A Jamaican taxi driver interviewed for our survey, for example, said he could not oper- ate his independent taxi service without his mobile phone (Dunn & Dunn, 2007). While he uses it to keep in touch with his parents, his family abroad, and girlfriend, it is more central as his business tool, on which regular customers reach him for transpor- tation. Among these and members of the lower in- come strata engaged in these activities, the use of the cell phone is inescapable as a micro-business tool. As income increases, the opportunity exists to build upon these enterprises, and when affordable, to transform simple usage such as voice telephony into more sophisticated usage. This pattern, how- ever, calls for more expensive computer hardware to supplement the basic tools and create expanded personal and family opportunities for work. Representatives of low-income marginalized groups, such as people with disabilities, have a spe- cial need for these technologies. They get connected to, and participate in, the global economy through mobile phones. A wheelchair-bound market trader still manages to secure her “load” by mobilizing her 60 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN farm produce through an old-fashioned mobile phone, a source of transportation and communica- tion with regular clients that she has used for years (Dunn & Dunn, 2007). Another disabled person in Trinidad and Tobago operates a phone repair busi- ness from his sedentary position in Port of Spain. Address Anonymity While some persons are physically or mentally dis- abled, there are other marginal groups that suffer a social disability from their domestic or workplace ad- dresses. In a focus group conducted as part of a qualitative investigation in patterns of phone usage, several inner city respondents reported using the cell phone to gain address anonymity in trying to seek employment or market skills and personal services. The call recipient does not have to know the home address of the caller, which could otherwise be a de- terrent in both business and social contact with more upwardly mobile correspondents. Telecom- muting can thus be both symbolic and virtual if the reality proves too difªcult for socially disparate per- sons involved in such a work-related transaction. A series of consultations5 with industry experts to get their feedback on the feasibility of the uptake of telework in the mentioned countries elicited the fol- lowing from one IT consultant from Jamaica: . . . some of the work I do is to set up computer labs for schools that teach children with disabili- ties how to use computers. At one of the organi- zations I work with, Caribbean Council for the Blind, the majority of workers in the organization are visually impaired, but they communicate through email with software programs that en- large the text or generate speech from the text. They have no different level of productivity from people who have all their abilities. One of the so- cial implications is that persons with disabilities can be brought into the workforce . . . Similarly, Dunn (2007) has found in a working paper that the cell phone is being used extensively among the deaf and hearing impaired, and also among people with visual disabilities. All these indi- viduals have cited the importance of the cell phone to them—particularly the texting feature, which as- sists with communication for social networking and for conducting business. It is in this context that emerging mobile broadband features can be lever- aged to present a real opportunity for marginalized groups to be included in the mainstream of digital society. For instance, the opportunity exists for en- trepreneurial applications of software such as Job Access With Speech (JAWS), to be utilized by these individuals to engage in outsourcing opportunities such as data processing and administrative work (Dunn, 2008). The previous discussion clearly shows that there are emergent work-related patterns of use of mobile telephony in both Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. These patterns, however, only point to the possibility of wide-scale forms of telework, which do not yet exist. The catalyst for this transformation lies in rele- vant public policy-making. Policy Applications to Support Telework ICT capacity building can be undertaken on two re- lated fronts: developing human capital and develop- ing infrastructure and networks. We have already demonstrated how developing nations such as Ja- maica and Trinidad and Tobago can build out their networks and infrastructure, as well as their human capital capacity in ICT, as a means toward attaining economic empowerment and the digital inclusion of marginalized peoples. The serious challenge which many developing countries now face, given the acute economic downturn in the global economy, is how to signiªcantly increase the percentage of their workforce that is educated and computer literate, and who can earn incomes independently of threat- ened traditional workplaces. Case Studies of Policy Applications: Ireland and Costa Rica The experiences of Ireland and Costa Rica in pursing a technology lead model of economic development is relevant and useful to small-island, developing na- tions such as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in their quest for greater ICT diffusion, as well as in planning for the long-run competitiveness of their peoples. As context, O’Riain as quoted by Green (2000) reminds us that: the experience of the Irish ICT cluster seems to demonstrate that skills and training are a neces- sary but not sufªcient condition for success in Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 61 DUNN 5. This was part of the exploratory study on Telework in the Caribbean (Cowell & Dunn, 2006). global markets. There is also a role for targeted, ºexible industry policies in the context of an ac- tive partnership with unions, business, and the community. The role for the Government in this context has been characterized as the ‘Flexible Developmentalist State,’ which is ‘deªned by its ability to nurture Post-Fordist networks of produc- tion and innovation, attract international invest- ment, and link these local and global technology and business networks together in ways which promote development. (O’Riain, 1999) Against this background, we may brieºy examine the strategy employed by Costa Rica in its ICT devel- opment, framing it as a foundation on which we can now pursue telework and other conceptual, pol- icy, and technological applications. The Costa Rican government undertook a three-pronged approach— building capacity in health services, empowering people through education, and making extensive in- vestments in ICT. The government systematically in- vested in skills and capacity building among Costa Ricans through careful investments which started from an Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) loan in 1974. Costa Rica now boasts one of the best software engineering and computer science schools in all of the Americas. They have also managed to foster an amicable environment where public and private sector collab- oration on projects is the norm. Finally, they have also continued the consistent building of their net- work infrastructure in telecommunications. Also ow- ing to their political stability and investor-friendly environment, they have attracted a number of high tech companies interested in software development (Accenture, Markle Foundation, & UNDP, 2001). Ireland has moved along a similar path as Costa Rica by investing in education and training. Green (2000) suggests that: the evolution of Ireland’s ICT sector has been driven not only by market conditions, but by the conscious design and delivery of public policy over a number of decades in the context of EU mem- bership and, more recently, a social partnership. This consisted of measures to attract knowledge- intensive FDI through support for indigenous com- panies and networks; through Enterprise Ireland’s promotion of education and training at all levels in schools, universities and technical colleges; through development of a sophisticated telecom- munications infrastructure; through increased funding support for research in third level institu- tions; and through strengthened linkages be- tween companies and the education sector. The combination of public and private sector in- vestments and emphasis on education has certainly transformed Ireland’s fortunes, as suggested by OECD (as cited by Green, 2000), “Past national strategies for investing in education and training have paid off in terms of faster productivity growth and higher levels of productivity at the aggregate level, and higher earnings and employability at the individual level.” Given this context, one can easily understand why Ireland had the fastest growth rate of output and employment of any of the OECD countries in the period 1990–1999, during which the number of jobs increased by 42%. Also, the software industry had the largest market share of FDI (foreign direct investment) ºows in Europe, ac- counting for 55% of the total ºow. ICT Policy Applications and the Relevance to the Wider Caribbean Even from this limited exploration, it is clear that the experience of Ireland and Costa Rica indicate partic- ular directions which the policy makers and leaders of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago may wish to consider, in order to both gain a foothold in the vast and growing global knowledge economy and to ex- pand local engagement in telework practices. The Jamaican government has initiated this process with the development of a national ICT Strategic Plan, which delineates critical areas in which the govern- ment and industry should focus for the ªve-year pe- riod, 2007–2012, in order to empower as many Jamaicans as possible through access to, and usage of, ICT. In their draft submission for this national ICT Plan, Dunn and Duggan (2006) have ºagged, in Fig- ure 1, eight interlinked thematic areas which they argue deserve priority attention, should Jamaicans fully take advantage of ICT opportunities: 1. e-Inclusion: Open Access to ICT 2. Education and Training 3. Network Readiness and Infrastructure Devel- opment 4. e-Government 62 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN 5. e-Business and ICT Industry Development 6. Research and Innovation 7. Cultural Content and Creativity 8. Legislative and Policy Framework While these areas go well beyond more limited frameworks commonly available to comparable studies, one could further group them into two dis- tinct dimensions: the infrastructural/technological di- mension and the institutional/policy dimension. The institutional dimension involves the political, legisla- tive, and educational processes that contextualize and maximize available technologies. They speak to the human element of ICT diffusion. The infra- structural/technological dimension involves network expansion and technical issues surrounding the dif- fusion of technologies. According to Wilson (2004), “since institutions are much weaker in poorer countries, a revolution that is mainly institutional and not technical is not easily achievable.” The empirical data seem to cor- roborate this observation, as has been seen in Ire- land and Costa Rica, which ªrst pursued the legislative and policy framework, as well as educa- tion and training, as the most important phases of their ICT development strategy. Essentially, they in- vested in the human dimension ªrst, and the techni- cal dimension second. After Ireland and Costa Rica developed their human capital, issues of network readiness and infrastructure de- velopment were then achieved through deliberate public policies that emphasized the suitability and attractiveness of the country to knowledge-intensive foreign direct investments. While Caribbean ICT infra- structure and policy develop- ments have unfolded differently to date, the available Caribbean research and policy recommenda- tions suggest that the region should consider similar strategies. Countries such as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, which have signiªcant levels of unemploy- ment and, especially in the case of Jamaica, a heavy debt burden, must also initiate their ICT strategic implementation by focusing on education, with an emphasis on in- formation literacy and technology training. This is the model applied by Ireland and Costa Rica with so much success. Education and training will empower people to engage in more sophisticated usage of ICT, which can, in turn, expose them to better teleworking opportunities within and outside of the region. In corroborating this approach, Dunn and Duggan (2006) suggested the following strategic objectives as an initial phase toward building the Ja- maica information economy: 1. Integrate computer education into the pre- primary, primary, and secondary school cur- ricula as a compulsory component. 2. Ensure open access and experimental learn- ing environments at the primary, secondary, and tertiary levels of education. 3. Encourage public/private sector partnerships in ICT training and structure programs for in- dustry-facilitated learning. 4. Develop ongoing systems to align vocational skills in ICT development to the changing needs of the public and private sectors. 5. Provide opportunities for “second chance” literacy and lifelong learning through struc- tured programs in educational institutions. Volume 5, Number 2, Summer 2009 63 DUNN Figure 1. Strategic Roadmap to ICT Development. Source: Dunn and Duggan (2006) 6. Establish more regional ICT training centers to equip unemployed citizens with skills for self-employment or re-entry into the workforce. They also call for important policy and legislative re- forms: 1. Update the Copyright Act and related intel- lectual property laws to protect innovation and investment. 2. Establish an evaluation and compliance unit for WTO and other international competition legislation relating to ICT. 3. Create a joint Cabinet sub-committee de- signed to ensure ownership and involvement in ICT policy making by all other ministries, agencies, and departments of the govern- ment. 4. Enhance the pace and effectiveness of im- plementation of the Access to Information Act. We could now add to this list the recognition and promotion of telework as a critical additional dimen- sion, given the ubiquity of mobile work-related de- vices. Concluding Analysis The interplay between telework and mobile broad- band can be the tool to put ICT to work in the Ca- ribbean. As mentioned earlier, research ªndings from Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago are indicat- ing that poor people are using their mobile phones to engage in business- and work-related transac- tions to enhance their economic survival. We have also demonstrated that, with adequate education and training, in the context of a slow but constant diffusion of ICT in both countries, the economic and overall well-being of the poor and marginalized can improve signiªcantly. Cowell and Dunn (2006) have found that telework is not prevalent in the target Caribbean countries of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. How- ever, while the concept is neither prevalent nor widely practiced, the ªndings suggest that the op- portunity is there to educate people about its potential. The factors necessary for the diffusion of telework in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago among the middle and upper classes are already in place to a large extent. Both countries have a tertiary level educated group of citizens. However, among marginalized groups, the factors conducive to the deployment of telework practices are sparse; most members comprising marginal groups, such as peo- ple in dire poverty and people with disabilities, have limited access to primary or secondary education. Also, members of these disenfranchised groups have unequal access to ICT, speciªcally, computers and Internet technologies. However, the mobile phone can become a bridging technology for bottom-of- the-pyramid users who may transition through it to more sophisticated usages that may make more elaborate and high-level telework services possible. The mobile phone penetration rate among low- income users stands at 95.5% in Jamaica and close to 86% in Trinidad and Tobago, which indicates a high degree of comfort and willingness by low- income people to adopt new technologies. Tele- workers could have a similar uptake under an appropriate policy and a context of employee- employer trust. In the meantime, where telework is not possible, a policy of ºexible working could be adopted to vary the start and ªnish times for work, to deploy job share systems, allow for multi-tasking, and develop special “on the job” information literacy training programs to prepare suitable and trusted employees for company-provided computer systems to work from home or another suitable remote location. A program of widespread wireless public access to the Internet would also help to prepare those with laptops or other advanced mobile tools to readily gain online access. Systematic school- and college- based training, as well as public education and worker orientation programs would help to counter any unwarranted resistance. While formal telework practices are limited in Ja- maica, ºexible working arrangements could be a surrogate policy until there is more widespread tech- nology access. However, initial efforts by the Jamai- can government to implement ºexible working arrangements were resisted by a number of sectors, including church groups and some trade unions. Some resistance is based on regard for the tradi- tional day of religious worship, being either Sunday or Saturday. Employers, trade unions, and the Minis- tries of Labour and Social Security will need to ªnd shift-scheduling arrangements that avoid such 64 Information Technologies and International Development TELEWORKING THE MOBILE CARIBBEAN conºicts. These institutions also need to be enlisted in the technology education process, as well as the ongoing discussion about the beneªts and chal- lenges of telework and other ºexible work arrangements. It is clear from the foregoing that the adoption of telework can bring a number of beneªts to marginalized groups, including parents involved with child-rearing, the under-employed, persons with dis- abilities, and freelancers. It is also concluded that, while computer-based telework is far-fetched for the majority of low-income or unemployed citizens at present, a measure of telework through the use of mobile broadband is possible, and is already occur- ring around the region. This is being done via Internet-ready phones, voice services, texting, and other features accessible to all demographic groups, particularly the poor, many of whom already use the cell phone for income generation. More widespread opportunities among disabled people could be achieved through specialized training and special technology designs that facilitate those with physi- cal, visual, hearing, or other forms of human disability. The concept of telework and the scope of its po- tential are not clearly understood in the Caribbean region. Further research and extensive public educa- tion on the productivity potential of telework in the region are needed to better ascertain its impact on work practices, industrial relations, and people empowerment. There needs to be greater coordination between government ministries and agencies with responsi- bilities for education and ICT in order to arrive at a comprehensive policy document establishing the pa- rameters for an active telework and ºexi-work envi- ronment in the countries highlighted, as well as in the wider region. The harmonization of Caribbean labor laws and practices would enable the process to proceed on a regional scale. 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