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Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14, December 2020
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ISSUE 14
Kuírlombo Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue
Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Editors: Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito,
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão Souza,
Jess Oliveira and Bruna Barros
December 2020
i–iv Contents
v–viii Contributors | Editors
vi Contributors
viii Translators
Editorial
1– 42 Kuírlombo Epistemologies
Introduction to the CRGS Special Issue
Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues
and Simone Brandão Souza
Translation
by Alanne Maria de Jesus, Ayala Tude and Tito Mitjans Alayón
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TanyaSaunders.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
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Peer Reviewed Essays
43–52 Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing Ourselves a Word
Choice at a Time Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
53–72 Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory of The Political
Life of Marielle Franco S. Tay Glover and Flavia Meireles
73–96 Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations of
Afro-descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba
Norma Guilliard Limonta
Translation from Spanish
by Tito Mitjans Alayón
97–110 Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths: Notes of
a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina. Aline Dias dos Santos
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Jess Oliveira
111–126 Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial Counter-
Narrative on the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions
of the Right to the City Aline P. do Nascimento and Sheyla dos
S. Trindade
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Ayala Tude and Alanne Maria
127–138 Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context Suane Felipe Soares
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
139–152 Main Questions from Brazilian Family Physicians on Lesbians
and Bisexual Women’s Healthcare Renata Carneiro Vieira and
Rita Helena Borret
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/STayGlover.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/FlaviaMeireles.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/NormaRitaGuillardLimonta.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlineDiasdosSantos.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlinePdoNascimento.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SheyladosSTrindade.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SheyladosSTrindade.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SuaneFelippeSoares.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RenataCarneiroVieira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RitaHelenaBorret.asp
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153–168 The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual Women at
São Paulo’s Carnival Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca
Fontes
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Caroline Santos, Cintia Rodrigues and Marina Pandeló
169–180 The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory
Reproduction of Masculinity Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas 1
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
by Alanne Maria de Jesus and Ayala Tude
181–190 Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the “Cabras”:
Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular
Culture’s Manifestation Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior and
Lore Fortes
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
Gender Dialogues
191–210 afro latina formiga
aka formigão aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar
Poet, Kapoeira y Sapatão
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
211–232 literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the
paradigm of pain tatiana nascimento
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese
by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
233–246 ani ganzala Watercolour and Graffiti Artist of Salvador, Bahia,
Brazil
T.N.: a non-feminine lesbian [lésbica não-feminilizada] is a lesbian that rejects/does not comply with 1
femininity ideals and performativities. Despite rejecting femininity, it is important to point out that, even
though some of them might, these lesbians do not necessarily identify with masculinity.
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/DayanaBrunetto.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LeoRibas.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RibamarJosedeOliveiraJunior.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LoreFortes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/formigao.asp
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Biographies
247–250 Contributors | Editors
251–254 Contributors
254–255 Translators
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ISSUE 14
Kuírlombo Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue
Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Editors: Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito,
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão Souza,
Jess Oliveira and Bruna Barros
December 2020
Editors | Contributors
Tanya L. Saunders
Associate Professor
Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida
Jessica Ipólito
Creator and Writer
Gorda & Sapatão blog
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues
Masters Student in Latin American Studies
University of Florida
Simone Brandão Souza
Professor, Graduate Program, Social Policy and Territories
& Adjunct Professor, Social Service
Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia (UFRB), Brazil
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TanyaSaunders.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TanyaSaunders.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://gordaesapatao.com.br/
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
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Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor
Department of Spanish and Portuguese
Colorado College
Bruna Barros
Undergraduate Major in English
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Contributors
Rita Helena Borret
Family Physician
Municipal Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Dayana Brunetto
Postdoctoral Fellow in Education
& Professor of Didactics
Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), Brazil
Renata Carneiro Vieira
Family Physician
State Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior
PhD Candidate, School of Communication
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Aline Dias dos Santos
Ph.D. Candidate in History
Federal University of Santa Catarina, Brazil
Aline P. do Nascimento
Undergraduate Major in Geography
Federal University of Bahia, Brazil
formiga, aka formigão
aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar
Poet, Kapoeira y Sapatão
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RitaHelenaBorret.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/DayanaBrunetto.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RenataCarneiroVieira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RibamarJosedeOliveiraJunior.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlineDiasdosSantos.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlinePdoNascimento.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/formigao.asp
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Sheyla dos S. Trindade
Member, Coletivo Diversidade
Gênero e Negritude SindUte/Gy
& Teacher, State of Minas Gerais
Barbara Falcão
Family Physician
State Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Milena Fonseca Fontes
Family Physician
Municipal Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Lore Fortes
Associate Professor, Graduate Program of Sociology
Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), Brazil
Ani Ganzala
Watercolour and Graffiti Artist
Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
S. Tay Glover
Founder
The Witch Goddess Wellness
Norma Rita Guillard Limonta
Psychologist & Afro-feminist
Communicator Member
Cuban Society of Psychology
Flavia Meireles
Ph.D. Candidate in Communication and Culture
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
& Assistant Professor at CEFET-RJ, Brazil
Tatiana Nascimento
Wordsmith, poet, composer, singer, translator, videomaker, educator
Editor of artisanal books by black/lbtqi authors in padê editorial
Léo Ribas
National Coordinator, Rede Lésbi Brasil
State Coordinator, Liga Brasileira de Lésbicas do Paraná
[Brazilian League of Lesbians of Paraná] – LBL
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MilenaFonsecaFontes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LoreFortes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/STayGlover.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/NormaRitaGuillardLimonta.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/FlaviaMeireles.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/tatiananascimento.asp
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Suane Felippe Soares
PhD Candidate, Graduate Program in Social History
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Translators
Alanne Maria de Jesus
Master's Student in Literature and Culture
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Tito Mitjans Alayón
PhD Candidate in Intervention and Feminist Studies
Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas (2015 to 2020)
Ayala Tude
Master’s Student in Literature and Culture
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Bruna Barros
Undergraduate Major in English
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor
Department of Spanish and Portuguese
Colorado College
Marina Pandeló
Cintia Rodrigues
Caroline Santos
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Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão:
Kuírlombo Epistemologies CRGS Special Issue on Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Kuírlombo Epistemologies
Introduction to the CRGS Special Issue
Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Tanya L. Saunders
Associate Professor
Center for Latin American Studies
University of Florida
Jessica Ipólito
Creator and Writer
Gorda & Sapatão blog
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues
Masters Candidate in Latin American Studies
University of Florida
Simone Brandão
Professor, Graduate Program, Social Policy and Territories
& Adjunct Professor, Social Service
Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia (UFRB), Brazil
Translation
Alanne Maria de Jesus
Ayala Tude
& Tito Mitjans Alayón
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
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Acknowledgements:
We would like to thank the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of
Florida for funding the English language translation of this Special Issue.
Translation by Alanne Maria de Jesus, Ayala Tude, Tito Mitjans Alayón
Editors of CRGS Issue 14
Bruna Barros
Undergraduate Major in English, Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Simone Brandão
Professor, Graduate Program, Social Policy and Territories & Adjunct Professor,
Social Service, Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia (UFRB), Brazil
Jessica Ipólito
Creator and Writer, Gorda & Sapatão blog
Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor, Dept. of Spanish, and Portuguese, Colorado College
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues
Masters Student in Latin American Studies, University of Florida
Tanya L. Saunders
Associate Professor, Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida
Translators for CRGS Issue 14
Tito Mitjans Alayón, Bruna Barros, Alanne Maria de Jesus, Jess Oliveira,
Marina Pandeló, Cintia Rodrigues, Caroline Santos and Ayala Tude
How to cite
Saunders, Tanya L., Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues and Simone Brandão, 2020.
““Kuírlombo Epistemologies” Genders and Sexualities in Brazil”. Caribbean Review of Gender
Studies, Issue 14: 1–42
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Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão:
Kuírlombo Epistemologies CRGS Special Issue on Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Introduction
The title for this Special Issue was inspired by the work of poet, literary scholar
and writer Tatiana Nascimento, and the poet formiga (both of whom have work
featured in this Special Issue). The word kuírlombo is a play on the words
quilombo and cuir. The word quilombo is the word maroon, palenque and
cumbe in English, Spanish and Portuguese respectively. The word cimarrón
(Spanish), marron (French), quilombola (Portuguese) refers to the people who
liberated themselves from enslavement. Quilombo comes from the word
Kilombo, which is from the Kimbundu language of the Ngola nation of the
Congo.
In Eurocentric historical texts written about the Americas, these communities are
referred to as runaway slave communities. In fact, they were societies of people,
many of whom liberated themselves from enslavement, and were (what we
would call today) multiracial and multi-ethnic societies given the type of
democratic (for lack of a better word) societies that they created. As a result of
the democratic social and religious structures that emerged in these
communities, they were often implicitly/explicitly anti-capitalist. Members of
these communities were living another vision of social order in the face of the
oppressive societies established by various forms of European colonialism in the
Americas.
Abdias do Nascimento, one of the key figures in the founding of contemporary
Brazilian Black Studies, defined Kilombismo as a competing vision of social
organization that emerged from the political and economic engagement of
Africans in the Americas. It is an Afrocentric perspective that Nascimento
argued is reflected in movements such as the Haitian Revolution, Garveyism and
the Pan-African movement. Kilombismo is a form of African resistance centred
on building free communities rooted in economic, political, social and cultural
structures that are rooted in African cultural legacies. Tatiana Nascimento
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appropriates the term in her essay entitled: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi
poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain. Tatiana Nascimento writes:
…i forge from my sexual-dissident afrodiasporic place the concept of
literary cuírlombism... reacting to pain is also re-telling stories. speaking up
our pain allows us to search for healing (if this is our project. and, for many
of us, i think that it is). to feel the colonial wound, to think: how can we
heal this intimate, collective, old, persistent wide wound? even if
denouncing the cisheterosexist racism is a constant need of affirmation for
black lgbtqi+ existences, we have more than denouncements to make.
especially through our poetry, for it connects us to a black-sexual-dissident
epistemic project pervaded by narrative disputes (p.10)…. our existence
informs not only about what happened after the kidnapping/trafficking/
enslavement, a historical crime that exacted y still exacts several
strategies of resistance from us, but not only: reconstruction strategies too.
literature is one of those forms of art through which we can invent (im)
possible, utopic, dystopian new worlds: we found place in the telling. we
create kuírlombos, not only of resistance but also of dream, affection,
seeds. (p. 16)
In the notes section of formiga’s poem, “Afro-Latina,” the translators write
“komposing with “k” is a reference to the anarcho-punk movement, that writes
like this sometimes to bespeak the subversion of language.” The usage of “k” in
Kuírlombo is also very much about cuir Afro-diasporic populations in the
Americas having agency, in the usage of the various colonial languages that
we occupy, to do whatever we want to do with them as we bend, twist, break,
enhance and reorganize them to fit, to reflect and to represent the realities,
affects, histories and non-European epistemologies that we have inherited and
embody. The idea for this special issue developed a few years ago in thinking
about how we as Afro-diasporic subjects (at least culturally speaking),
communicate with each other across and through our colonial languages.
In thinking about how, for the African Diaspora in the Americas, language and
geographies function as a marker of specificity and difference, thereby
delegitimizing any recognition of what connects us culturally, historically,
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Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão:
Kuírlombo Epistemologies CRGS Special Issue on Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
politically, affectively and economically, the discreteness of language and
national boundaries as being the marker of difference undermines what could
emerge if we (re)engaged our collective consciousness. While capitalism is
understood as global, “Europe” and Eurocentric visions of whiteness are
understood as unmarked and universal, a Black Brazilian, Cuban, U.S. African
American from the Mississippi Gulf Coast and a Jamaican are understood as
historically constituted subjects with no relation. Thus, for us, the publication of
this Special Issue is an act of solidarity, an act of resistance that began with our
African ancestors, an act of remembering and (re)constructing across our
shared histories and points of origin as Afro-Diasporic peoples in the Americas.
This Special Issue is a result of conversations with Brazilian colleagues about
theorizing Brazil as a Caribbean nation. In many ways Black Brazilian feminists
have already started to engaging this conversation, or at the very least,
exploring this connection. For example, Black Brazilian feminists, after the end of
the dictatorship in 1985, began networking through international caucuses to
exchange ideas with feminists globally and regionally. Before traveling to Beijing
in 1995, they travelled to the Afro-Latin American Women’s Network event in the
Dominican Republic in 1992, later to the meeting of Black Women’s Network in
Costa Rica in 2002, the Fifth International Women’s Conference in Cuba in 2003,
and were organizers for the Tenth Latin American and Caribbean Feminist
encounter held in Brazil in 2005 . In this special issue, we decided that we 1
wanted to think about this question within the field of Gender and Sexuality
Studies. Then the political assassination of City of Rio de Janeiro councilwoman
Marielle Franco occurred.
Marielle Franco’s assassination, in which she was targeted for both the
intersectional nature of her identities and her expedient rise to political
prominence, had ripple effects globally. The world’s shock and grief impressed
upon us the need to take a much-needed step forward with this project: we
wanted to continue the work of Black Brazilian scholars and activists, to
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strengthen the historical connections that we share in this Hemisphere, all of
which are rooted in the emergence of the Caribbean.
Marielle Franco was a tremendously popular congresswoman in the City of Rio
de Janeiro. She was raised in Maré, one of the slums targeted by Rio de
Janeiro’s “pacification” policies. The “pacification” policies have resulted in
masked, militarized elite police forces entering into the neighbourhoods of slums
and shooting indiscriminately for hours, usually during the day. The police are
also often accompanied by police snipers, all of whom are known to primarily
murder Black youth like Ágatha Félix and João Pedro. At night, these
communities also have to deal with extrajudicial killings from militarized vigilantes
who are current and former police officers.
In this context, Marielle emerged as a beloved activist and councilwoman who
used her political power to directly challenge the impunity of both police and
vigilantes and the militaristic policing in Rio de Janeiro. She was seen as the
manifestation of the aspirations of the Black social movements, Black Feminist
social movements and the larger political left in Brazil. However, the same
reason that she was seen as the success of decades of political struggles is the
same reason that she was targeted for murder: she was an openly lesbian Black
woman from the slums who worked her way through Brazil’s elite universities and
landed a powerful position in government. Marielle was targeted because she
was an individual whose subjectivity was constructed at the intersections of
multiple identities, all of which she always held present. As a result, she was the
face of multiple social movements on Brazil’s political left. Her assassination sent
a message to millions of people who were a part of and supported by various
movements for human rights and dignity.
Briefly, in Brazil, during the initial fallout of her assassination which propelled her
into international martyrdom, there were debates about why she was targeted.
Initially it seemed that her assassination was going to be picked up by the left, in
which the rationale would settle on the fact that she was openly lesbian and
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Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão:
Kuírlombo Epistemologies CRGS Special Issue on Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
fought for lesbian rights. Marielle herself publically identified as both a lesbian
and bisexual. This is all the more reason why this Special Issue is entitled
Kuírlombo Epistemologies, how Marielle self-identified and moved across
communities reflects the tenuous relationship that Black cuir people have with
hegemonic sex/gender classifications that are imbued with coloniality;
hegemonic classifications which are also dependent on the fungibility of the
Black female body. However, when it became immediately obvious just how
many people grieved the assassination, and when people learned that she was
one of the most popular city council members in any city government across
Brazil, it became obvious that her murder should be understood on a much
more profound and nuanced level. She was targeted because of her political
success in challenging the emergent military state in Rio de Janeiro, her murder
was strategically symbolic though the assassins probably never even imagined
that her death would be grieved and protested globally since she was poor,
black, female and lesbian.
The profoundly political nature of Marielle’s assignation goes to the root of an
intense process that is happening in the wake of the profound social changes
resulting from the successful political, social and economic policies undertaken
during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff
administrations, all aimed at enfranchising all Brazilians as a part of a
comprehensive national development strategy. The result was the massive
mobility of scores of Black Brazilian citizens from poverty. The country is now in
the midst of a profound struggle: after a century of failed whitening policies,
Brazil is a majority Black/non-white Afro-descendant nation. Is the profoundly
racist neo-colonial elite ready to give up a claim to citizenship, material and
economic benefits that are rooted in white supremacy? For example, will this
racialised elite be able to deal with newly empowered domestic workers who
refuse to work on weekends? How were they going to deal with the sudden
appearance of Black families in previously white-only spaces such as airports
and shopping malls? The intensity of these questions, beyond understanding the
resistance of Brazil’s white elite and middle class as simply racism, can best be
explained through understanding Brazil’s social contract.
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Brazil’s social contract is not based on republican citizenship ideals rooted in
social and political rights, but one rooted in a sexual contract upon which the
modernization and development of the national project depends. This sexual
contract is one in which colonial domination continues within the realms of
intimacy, desire, and the erotic. Brazil’s decolonial project is going to need to be
a sexual one; it will need to be a process centred on decolonizing desire and
intimacy. Given this overall context, this Special Issue will take an intersectional
approach to understand the relationship between race, gender, sexuality, and
decolonization: this issue will focus primarily on the lesbian question in Brazil via
centring Brazilian activist and intellectual engagement with Caribbean theorists,
and vice versa.
Contextualizing Race, Gender and Brazilian Sexual Citizenship
Brazil is one of the few countries in the region that gained its independence
before the twentieth century, that has no unifying national story of collective
struggle, or vision of national unity, resulting from a national war for
independence. Most countries in the Americas that gained their independence
before 1900 had, at some point, a national struggle for independence and/or a
civil war for enslaved and/or indigenous liberation. These wars addressed the
social and psychological legacies of chattel slavery for both the formerly
enslaved and their enslavers (as in the case of countries such as the U.S., Cuba,
Mexico, Haiti etc.). Brazil is the only country in the hemisphere where the colonial
crown moved to the colony thereby making the colony the seat of the colonial
empire. Thus, the independence of Brazil and the end to chattel slavery nearly
sixty years later was more about the vision of a united royal and slaveocratic
elite who, at the time, wanted to create a modern empire-state. 2
Thus, there is no national myth of the state emerging organically from “the
people,” as a result of a collective national struggle where scores of people
died for the nation – Brazil is not a republican nation in the sense of the kind of
republicanism represented by the hemispheric American (regionally speaking)
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republican revolutionary spirit of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, where
all aggrieved groups in the nation could lay claim (even if it is not respected), to
have fought to bring their modern western nation into existence. That is, there is
no claim to equal citizenship rooted in the myth of a popular origin of the nation
through collective struggle. Brazil’s national origin myth, however, is rooted in
what Richard G. Parker (2009) calls the ideology of the erotic, which centres on
the process of embranquecimento (whitening). 3
Race and racialization are central to the contemporary origin myth of the
Brazilian nation, which is iconized in Gilberto Freyre’s Casa-Grande e Senzala
(Masters and Slaves). While Gilberto Freyre’s work is foundational to the
imaginary of the Brazilian nation as a racial democracy, also central to his highly
eroticized text is that the work that is done in the manifestation of the Brazilian
“racial democracy” is largely sexual. It is sex, the sexual desire, and the erotic
that form, reproduce, and could even liberate the Brazilian nation. It is not an
armed nationalist struggle, but a successful whitening of the family and thereby
the nation. Also intertwined into how Freyre’ myth of national origin is experienced
today are the coloniality of affect and the coloniality of the erotic. 4
Freyre’s book is a colonial contract, one in which racial and cultural domination
and subordination are mapped onto sexual relations in which the active and
passive roles in sexual relations are racialised and gendered. The coloniality of
affect “evinces how desire and affect may be informed by colonial histories
and imaginaries. In Brazil, as in much of the Americas, social groups are, as 5
Juana María Rodríguez (2015, 21) argues, “bonded through blood, sex, tears,
and scholarly theorizations to other realized bodies of abjection, bound together
through relations of power filtered through colonialism, slavery, conquest,
subjugation, migration, exile, and the insidious architectures of power that
permeate heteropatriarchy across cultural sites.” 6
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Because the most intimate aspects of our social lives are imbued with
coloniality, these spaces also become sites from which to launch resistance to
coloniality, specifically as they pertain to love, affect and desire for oneself and
other subjugated groups is a central concern of Black queer artivists and
activists . While several scholars have focused on this question as it pertains to 7
gender and sexuality, through a focus on Brazilian lesbian studies in particular,
we can understand these dynamics as it pertains to the political nature of
affect, desire, and the performativity of intimacy, desire and resistance, which is
the primary focus of the essays in this Special Issue.
In returning the focus to Brazil’s national origin myth, the sacrifice necessary for
the emergence of a modern Brazilian nation is one in which whites engage in
transgressive sexual acts for the benefit of whitening the nation. Meanwhile,
Black, and non-white Afro-descendant Brazilians should play a passive role in the
production of the white nation by producing light-skinned/white offspring.
Additionally, Black and non-white Afro-descendant Brazilians should be ready to
pay the ultimate sacrifice: physical, economic, socio-cultural, and political
death. Blacks are expected to reproduce and simply disappear into Brazil’s
distant pass as it moves forward in achieving its goal of “order and progress.” In
a context where national unity is largely a sexual one geared towards creating
whites while speeding up the Black genocide, a context where Indigenous
populations are imagined to no longer exist, the policing of gender norms is
particularly rigid. At the same time, there is the implicit sanctioning of
transgressive sexual acts, which is necessary to sanction miscegenation while
affirming white supremacy and Eurocentrism. Therefore in a context where the
idea of nation and national unity depends on sexual relations and the
reproduction of whitened citizens with an abject body and that must be killed,
this also allows the possibility for various types of transgressive sexual and gender
identities to emerge. 8
In an overwhelmingly non-white country that is fixated on producing a nation
through whitening, the non-white body is contemptuously tolerated; it is
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rendered invisible. The Black body, specifically Black femininity, can both be
contemptuously tolerated and serve as an object of disgust. Here I say the Black
feminine body because in Brazil, given how the intensity of the sexual
transgression increases sexual tension within Brazilian erotic ideology, gender
does not map onto sexual orientation in the same way it does in other contexts.
If we use the analytical lens of scholars such as Hortense Spillers and C. Riley
Snorton, Black women’s bodies (symbolically/ontologically) do not have a
gender, Black women are not women within a Eurocentric western ontology, but
are gendered within the realm of femininity. If we also consider that the Black
women’s bodies are fungible, then that means that Black femininity is not
necessarily rooted to Black women’s body - it is not rooted in a specific
(imagined as stable) gender classification. In a country that has inherited an
imperial national identity, that sees itself as (regionally) American only in relation
to the United States, a fellow empire-state, and as a nation that is majority non-
white Afro-descendant (that is Black), Brazil’s ideology of the erotic has
profound implications for how gender and sexuality are organized and
understood in Brazil and throughout the Diaspora. We will return to this point
again shortly.
In returning to Brazil’s ideology of the erotic, the ideology openly encourages
exploration of any kind of sexual proclivities rooted transgressions, outside of
public purview, that can be read publically as disgusting or repulsive. That is, the
repulsion that the person feels in a sexually charged moment actually increases
the sexual tension of the person if they are also experiencing repulsion. In this
way, one can hold a tension where one can experience both the desire to
dominate and to kill (through whitening) the object of that desire. Here we
return to Gilberto Freyre’s erotic narrative of racial domination and elimination
through sexual conquest. In a highly sexualized society, where sexual citizenship
takes on an entirely different meaning, actions at the level of everyday
interactions, or gestures, becomes particularly important in understanding the
(re)production of racial identities within multiracial families, and in larger society.
As Juana María Rodríguez (2015) writes, “gesture functions as a socially legible
and highly codified form of kinetic communication, and as a cultural practice
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that is differentially manifested through particular forms of embodiment.” In the
Brazilian context, we have to remember to consider how the performance of
gender and sexual desire do and do not map onto how gender identity and
sexual orientation are understood or are even related, in non-Brazilian contexts.
In the essay following this introduction, entitled: “Black Sapatão Translation
Practices: Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time,” the translators for this
Special Issue, Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira, offer context and definitions for
some of the sex/gender identities that exist in Brazil. By taking an intersectional
approach to Brazil’s sex/gender system, echoing our understanding of Brazilian
genders and sexualities, the translators argue that Brazilian sex/gender terms are
very much racialised. For example, in the case of “female homosexuality,”
sapatão is often referred to as a butch/dyke or even lesbian, but it is also a
racialised term that is not exactly any of those sexual identities. Like the bixa
(feminine identified gay men), bixa preta (Black feminine identified gay men)
and travesti (a third gender identity that is feminine and pertains to those born
with penises/assigned male at birth), the sapatão falls into a third gender
category that is associated with women and femininity, but not exactly a
woman, nor, like the bixa and travesti, transgender. These genders that exist on a
spectrum of femininities challenge the western biologic binary and Eurocentric
narratives of how one comes to identify with a gender.
What emerged was the articulation of a localized identity: the sapatão [roughly
translated to giant shoe]. Sapatão is neither female (but kind of), nor lesbian
(but often misidentified as one because lesbians are women who only desire
women). However, in Brazil, homosexuality is not simply defined as sexual
intercourse with those of the same gender or feeling affect for someone of the
same gender, but it based primarily on where someone falls on the extremes of
masculine and feminine, specifically as being a macho and woman, active and
passive. The bicha is always treated as being a little woman while sapatões are 9
read as incorrigible machos. The bicha, like the machão, has an image
associated with the penis. However, this relationship principally focuses on a
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lucid dimension of sex centred on the fantastic. Through sexual practices that
are considered unconventional and transgressive, sexual experiences with
bichas, especially with bichas pretas, both excite desire and repulsion. 10
Returning to the previous arguments where we consider the fungiblity of Black
women’s bodies, the Brazilian ideology of the erotic and the sexual social
contract, one could easily argue that Marielle Franco was assassinated because
she was a powerful and visible Black sapatão, and for this reason, she was an
intense political threat. She literally threatened the viability of the Brazilian nation
rooted in imperialist, Eurocentric, white supremist colonial legacies; a vision of a
nation whose manifestation depended on a Black genocide through
transgressive sex with passive, feminine bodies, especially bodies whose racial
classification also rendered those as feminine (passive/acted on) bodies, and
any desire for those bodies, as abject desire.
Thus the transgressive nature of bixas pretas racially, sexually and in terms of
gender, makes bixas pretas both intensely desirable and repulsive for machos,
while the sapatão, especially the Black sapatão’s, rejection of the passive
sexual role assigned to her in order to whiten the nation, is understood as
extremely dangerous. It is for this reason that, in light of Marielle’s assassination,
we curated a Special Issue that centred on introducing scholarship on Brazilian
lesbian studies (one that addresses sapatões as an intensely politicised sex/
gender category), to a larger international audience. We do this while placing
Brazilian scholars and artivists in conversation with scholars writing from other
Caribbean (re-defined) contexts. We thought it important to highlight the
experiences of Afro-descendant women whose lives are under-theorized in
Gender and Sexuality Studies throughout the Americas. That is, this issue is not
solely focused on lesbian studies, as much as it is about contextualizing sapatão
as a racialised gender identity that undermines the Brazilian erotic social
contract and, therefore, undermines elite efforts at modernizing Brazil through
whitening and Black social, political, affective and political death.
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In addition to under-representation, there are even fewer conversations about
these topics occurring across the regions and languages of people whose
histories and lived experiences converge in significant ways, and diverge in
ways that can be tremendously productive in decentring a Eurocentric
perspective on Gender and Sexuality. This Special Issue contributes to the work
already underway in this area by scholars and artivists such as M. Jacqui
Alexander, Omise’eke Natasha Tinsley, Ochy Curiel, Yuderkys Espinsa, Mignon
Moore, Rinaldo Walcott, C. Riley Snorton, Sandra Alvarez, Yolanda Pizzaro
Arroyo, Osmundo Pinho, Alan Costa, Malayka SN, Ani Ganzaga, Jota
Mombaça, Michelle Mattiuzzi, Yesenia Selier, Titolindodelmar, SomosMuchoMas,
Roberto Strongman, Gloria Wekker, Krudxs CUBENSI and many others who are
rethinking Black genders and sexualities by centring localized genders and
sexualities. These scholars also undertake important genealogies of how sex/
gender identities and practices come into existence (or fail to according to a
heteronormative model), epistemologically, ontologically, and cosmologically,
as they pertain to the Afro-Indigenous foundations of Caribbean cultures and
religious practices. This work is important in order to produce a theory that
reflects our cultures and realities through a comparative lens, and to offer us the
possibility to think about what constitutes decolonization. The articles in this
Special Issue highlight these productive tensions in ways that we did not initially
expect.
Considering the current political context, the present edition of the Caribbean
Review of Gender Studies was designed to recognize the serious political, social
and cultural context that has been developing in Brazil, where lesbian
existences have been impacted by profound setbacks in the movements for
gender and sexual equality. These setbacks have intensified in the wake of the
political, media-supported, legislative coup, which culminated in the deposition
of President Dilma Rousseff, and greatly reinforced the invisibility of the
experiences of women and their narratives. Lesbian women in particular, faced
intense invisibility in research, and have also faced sharp increases of targeted
physical violence and murder. There has been a marked increase in the murders
of Black women in Brazil, with a significant portion of them being Black lesbians.
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To this, we say: Yes! Sapatão! As a call, using a word that initially was a
pejorative slur attributed to lesbians in Brazil. For those of us who identify as
sapatão, we take it for ourselves; we re-signify the term and transform it into a
term of subversive power. It is an erasure of the norm in an uprising that echoes
the affirmation of the voices of sapatões.
In the context of Brazil, this Special Issue is extremely important as the publication
of this work in an international academic journal also does the work of giving
visibility and a platform to the trans, lesbian and gender non-conforming
women producing this academic work, and undertaking this activism in Brazil. It
is an opportunity for agency and transformation, for the possibility of visibility and
the building of collective resistance. In this way, this Special Issue takes a step
further in order to produce a Brazilian sapatão epistemology that, given Brazil’s
politicized context as it pertains to race, class and gender identity politics, seeks
to break with the narratives dominated by a white, cis-gendered gay male
perspective; narratives which continue to almost exclusively dominate
academic production in gender and sexuality in Brazil. The dominant
perspective has, historically, homogenized sexual dissidences and makes the
specificities of lesbians and sapatonas invisible, which has very specific
implications considering the specific ways in which gender, gender identity and
sexuality are constructed and experienced in Brazil.
We aim with this production to develop a decolonizing perspective on the
knowledge and existences of the geopolitical Global South. We aim to
challenge the erasure of the discursive construction of the lesbian/sapatão
existence, and to contribute to the interruption of the silencing that structures
the life of these women, especially the Black women. Furthermore, with this
edition of the Journal, we imagined not only to contribute to the visibility of
subordinate experiences, but also to mirror their multiple, intersectional
resistances in terms of race/ethnicity, gender, social class, generation, region
and aesthetics, which can also be markers power when they are openly
discussed and problematized. They cease to be secrets and start to be told,
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because, as Kilomba (2019, 41) states, the “truths that have been denied,
repressed and kept quiet, as secrets” cease to be kept at a distance and quiet
when they leave the margin.
For example, an unprecedented study carried out in Brazil regarding the murder
of lesbians in the country between the years 2014 and 2017 and called
“Lesbocide - the stories that nobody tells,” identifies that there is a significant
growth in the murders of lesbians in Brazil in the studied period and that such
crimes are motivated by prejudice against lesbian women; therefore, they are
configured as hate crimes. These murders occur not only because of the
woman's lesbian condition, but are also very much intertwined with misogyny,
racism, and other markers of oppression that intersect and feed these crimes.
According to the dossier (2018) produced from that study, from 2014 to 2017
there was a 237% increase in cases of lesbocide, from 2000-2017 a 2700%
increase and since 2013 this increase has been constant, with an increase of
80% in crimes from 2016 to 2017.
Over the last approximately six years, the contemporary Brazilian social and
political context has experienced an intensification of far right-wing
conservative thinking that has been reverberating politically, culturally and
economically. Fascist, xenophobic, racist, LGBTI-phobic and misogynistic ideas
structure, not only the narratives which have a moralistic and discriminatory
tone, but also public policies. It is revealing an unequal and rights-violating
State, which through its institutions promotes genocidal policies for certain
segments of society. In this case, the state of exception is exercised as a state
right and not a suspension of the rule of law. As Mbembe (2016) argues, the
necropolitics of state violence is constituted intersectionally and, therefore,
categories such as race, class, gender, sexuality and urban space, for example,
will define what lives are to be victimized by this homicidal violence, through
which the state operates its sovereign power. Therefore, in this process, there is 11
a classification that hierarchises the population and some urban locations with
the discretionary distribution of policies that promote death and that are
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structurally racialised. This management of the geographical space and the
control of the population, which has a despotic character, distribute death in a
dissimilar way, forming the state necropolitics.
It is necessary to consider, however, that the fascist character of this State
cannot be sustained without the participation of the population. Despite the
fascist tendencies present in power relations and in public policy, it is also in the
subjectivity of individuals, in the way they perceive, understand and act on
phenomena. Therefore, the fascist discourse now produced by the state
reverberates in the subjectivities and the consequent violent actions that we see
being committed daily against all lives considered abject. Today we are
experiencing within Brazilian society, an extreme conservatism that is combined
with a process of centralization of State power across all sectors of society
including civil society, this being driven by the expansion of the political power
of the evangelical sectors and through the rigging of the State’s electoral
processes. As a result, there is increased reproduction socially, on a large scale,
of macho discourses, sexists, misogynists, LGBT-phobics and racism.
The reactionary segments of the right-wing State have focused specific actions
on issues of gender and diversity in the country. One example is the Escola sem
Partido [Schools without Party] movement, which was created in 2004 and had
its peak in 2016. The movement formulated and subsidized conservative and
authoritarian public education policies based on Christian fundamentalism,
some of them were converted into bills, that were presented to the National
Congress by politicians aligned with the conservative agenda. These political
actors aimed to restrict freedom of expression in schools and to prevent critical
learning skills, rooted in science, from being taught in schools. Instead, they
worked towards promoting a Christian moral education that threatens not only
the emancipatory education project but also the secular state, generally
speaking.
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These right-wing actors are working with right-wing Christian fundamentalists in
the United States who, having nearly lost the culture wars in the United States,
are working to undermine the Brazilian and Latin American left challenges to
social inequality. The paradigms that underpinned this conservative
educational project also had as one of its main concerns, the prevention of
discussions about gender and sexuality in educational institutions, including
sexual and reproductive health, sexual and domestic violence. Understood as
threatening to the formation of children and young people, initiatives that seek
to discuss issues of gender and sexual orientation in schools, in order to combat
related discrimination, were called “gender ideology.” Thus, legitimized by the
state's ultra-conservative discourse and by the religious fundamentalism which
infiltrated state discourse and policy, actions of violence, often lethal, now
directly target lives that are dehumanized by these discourses and policies,
because they carry the mark of difference, whether in bodies or in ideas.
Initiatives like this affected not only schools, but have also enabled the rise of an
ultra-conservative political project at the highest level of political representation.
In 2019, Brazil's President-elect Jair Bolsonaro, in his inaugural speech affirmed
that his government's priority is to “combat gender ideology” while conserving
traditional and Christian family values and thus making “Brazil free from
ideological bonds.” Bolsonaro's speech reverberates in political strategies
aligned with other actors and governments throughout the region. One of his
first actions as president was to reformulate the Ministry of Human Rights,
suppressing all programmes and actions related to gender and diversity.
Headed by an evangelical pastor who, in her inauguration ceremony, publicly
declared that this "is the beginning of an era in which girls wear pink and boys
wear blue," the ministry became the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human
Rights."
In the Atlas da Violencia’s (the Atlas of Violence) 2019 research, carried out by
the Institute of Research and Applied Statistics (IPEA) and the Brazilian Forum on
Public Security (FBSP), it is possible to identify data directly related to the
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increase of violence in Brazil. The 2019 edition is extremely important because it
is the first edition that considers violence against the LGBTI+ population. The
data presented were collected from two different bases: from the complaints
registered in “Dial 100,” from the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights,
and from the administrative records of the Notifiable Diseases Information
System (Sinan) from the Ministry of Health. This edition of the Atlas of Violence
indicates that there was an increase in female homicides in Brazil in 2017, with
about 13 murders per day. In all, 4,936 women were killed, the highest number
registered since 2007. In relation to the LGBTQ population throughout Brazil, the
number of homicides reported to “Dial 100” rose from 5 in 2011 to 193 in 2017.
On the other hand, bodily injuries increased from 318 in 2016 to 423 in 2017, the
rate had drastically dropped from its peak of 783 cases in 2012, as a result of
more inclusive social policies. Now that those policies have been directly
attacked and reversed, we are now seeing a rapid increase.
These data are particularly important to analyse because the Ministry of
Women, Family, and Human Rights, despite claiming on its official website that 12
“LGBT-phobia kills, now supports anti-LGBT policies. Brazil is considered one of the
most violent countries in the world, including for the LGBT population. Its public
institutions are no longer making available the reports containing this data used
by the Atlas of Violence. As pointed out by some of the articles presented in this
Special Issue, the most recent data are those of 2017 and little official
information is available for 2018 or 2019, making the research and reflections
presented here central to understanding the importance of this issue.
In this introduction to this Special Issue, we will first offer some additional
important context in order for the reader to situate the profoundly political
nature of this Special Issue. We will then discuss how this work of translation, of
connecting across and through colonial languages, is a political act. We will
include a discussion of how this Special Issue was initially going to be published
with another journal in the area of gender and sexuality studies. We will discuss
why we, as the co-editors for this Special Issue, decided to leave that journal,
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and why, in thinking seriously about our commitment to decolonialising
intellectual production and dissemination, we feel that CRGS is the best home
for this Special Issue.
The Social and Economic Contexts of Black Brazilian Youth and Black Women
In order to understand the situation of Black women and youth in Brazil, it is
important to understand that we take a Federal State-centred approach to the
various themes that involve thinking, and acting, to overcome the intersectional
challenges created by gender, race and generation in Brazilian society. Thus, it is
important to understand that for us, much of it is first and foremost guided from
the perspective of State sanctioned human rights: human rights are a duty of
the Brazilian State. Considering the guarantee of the right to life, the right to
equality and non-discrimination, which are enshrined in the Federal Constitution
in the text of two articles: Article 5, which states: “Everyone is equal before the
law, without distinction of any nature, guaranteeing Brazilians and foreigners
residing in the country the invaluable right to life, freedom, equality, security (...)”
and article 227 which states that: “It is the duty of the family, society and the
State to ensure children, adolescents and young people, with the absolute
priority to, the right to life, health, food, education, leisure, professionalization,
culture, dignity, respect, freedom and family and community coexistence, in
addition to guarding them from all forms of neglect, discrimination, exploitation,
violence, cruelty and oppression.”
In the beginning of the 21st century, Brazil, and the larger global community,
increasingly expanded their consensus concerning the recognition, and the
development of, mechanisms capable of facing and overcoming the racial,
gender, socioeconomic inequalities that confer to different groups and
individuals different degrees of vulnerability and possibilities for realizing their
rights. Over the last several decades, there were advances resulting from the
grassroots mobilization of sectors of the Black social movements and Black
women’s movements. These advances resulted in the development of
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affirmative action programs, the creation of the Secretariat for Policies for the
Promotion of Racial Equality - SEPPIR / PR, of the Secretariat for Policies for
Women (SPM) and the National Youth Secretariat (SNJ). Their actions
represented an opportunity to face the barriers to equal rights, because the
effects of inequality and ethnic-racial segregation continue to be reflected in
various economic and social models. It is important to highlight the arduous
political struggle of Black women's movements that, since the 1970s, have been
gradually demarcating the needs and urgencies of the Black Brazilian
population.
Among the set of vulnerabilities experienced by Black women of different age
groups and geographic locations, is the intersection of racism and sexism. The
existence of racism produces disparities that are reflected in access to rights
and in the quality of services provided, as well as, mainly, it produces more
intense morbidity and mortality in the Black population, when compared to the
situation of white women. Brazil has the second largest black population in the
world, being composed mainly of Black women and Black people generally,
representing 52.9% of the Brazilian population (IPEA, 2013). Of this amount, 59.4
million are black women, corresponding to 51.8% of the female population and
27.7% of the total Brazilian population (IPEA, 2013). Available in all regions of the
country, the North and Northeast Regions have the highest proportion of Black
women in their female population, equivalent to 75.2% and 70.7% respectively;
the Western Region has 57%, the Southeast Region, 43.9%. The South Region has
the lowest proportion, with 21.3% of Black women in the female population. In all
regions, Black women reside mainly in urban areas, especially in the peripheries
and more precarious regions of cities. Several publications such as the Dossier
“The Human Rights Situation of Black Women in Brazil: Violence and
Violations” (2016), [1] Dossier “Black Women: portrait of the living conditions of
black women in Brazil” (2013), “Portrait of inequalities in gender and
race” (2011), present several unfavourable scenarios for Black women in Brazil.
The murders of Black women increased by 54.2% in 10 years (2002-2013). In the
same period, there was a 9.3% reduction in murders of white women. Between
the years 2011-2013, 16 women were murdered per day, 488 per month, 5,860
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per year. Of these, 45% were young women (10 to 29 years old). Of the 56,000
people who were murdered in Brazil in 2012, 30,000 were young people
between 15 and 29 years old, and of this total, 77% are black. The majority of
homicides are committed by firearms, and less than 8% of cases are even
brought to trial. In addition to lethal violence, there is non-lethal violence that
ends up affecting thousands of Black women, mostly mothers of murdered girls
and boys. Such violence is generally expressed in isolation and loneliness, albeit
with intense efforts to protect and try to preserve the lives of young people. Also
after their death, there are efforts to recover the dignity of the murdered youth,
to recover and bury their bodies, to seek redress and justice.
The curtailing of Black youth lives has directly impacted the structural
development of the entire Black population, which is affected and conditioned
to live in a constant state of mourning. They are mothers, sisters, wives,
grandparents, girlfriends, cousins, aunts, friends, neighbours who have suffered
directly from the dismantling of families and the immensity of pain due to losses.
They are young men and black women murdered and interrupted directly and
indirectly as a result of the loss of their youth. When young women and Black
women overcome the barriers imposed on their lives, for example in
unemployment, they begin to experience the sexual division of labour, domestic
violence, sexual harassment, etc. Young women and Black women are even
more discriminated against, and have lived with historical disrespect for their
bodies, which are still violated and marginalized, fuelling more and more the
rates of assaults, rapes and murders. According to the Applied Research Institute
- IPEA, Black women are 62% of the victims of femicide. They live in the service
sector, under conditions of underemployment, to guarantee the family's
livelihood, even with more school education and study opportunities, and
account for most of the heads of household.
According to information published by the Articulação de Mulheres Negras
Brasileiras-AMNB (2012), Brazil has 8 million domestic workers, mostly young
women and Black women who, in the category of domestic workers, do not
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have the same regulations as the others urban workers, despite the
advancement of Brazilian legislation, is the result of the category's classification
in public policy. In the formal job market, they support a 19% difference in
remuneration in relation to non-Black women and, compared to non-Black
men, this difference rises to 46%, according to data from DIEESE. This time it is
correct to say that black women remain at the base of the social pyramid, and
at this moment, with the worsening financial difficulties experienced by Brazil,
this chasm is widening. This situation determines for young Black women a
condition determined by their experience and total insertion in a context of
inequality and exclusion.
Public health indicators show that Black women still fall short of the care that
should be directed to the Brazilian population as a whole. Black women are the
main victims of neglect - both in primary care and in specialized care. An
emblematic case of negligence in the health field is that of Alyne Pimentel, the
first complaint about maternal mortality received by the Committee for the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
The Alyne case has particular aspects that give it the quality of a paradigmatic
case, because Alyne was a Black woman, pregnant, young, of low income and,
as a result of the lack of adequate medical assistance, she died, for a cause
extremely preventable. The case exemplifies the situation elucidated in the SUS
Panel of Indicators Magazine nº 10 - Thematic Health of the Black Population
(2016) which records that according to the data notification by the Mortality
Information System, which for the year 2012 of the total of 1,583 maternal
deaths, 60% were Black women and 34% white women.
More than 10 years after the episode, CEDAW forwarded a series of
recommendations to the Brazilian government to adopt measures to reduce
maternal mortality rates for the country. It is worth mentioning that it was the 5th
objective of the Millennium Goals, which proposed to improve the health of
pregnant women, which Brazil did not achieve, it did not reach the goal of
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reducing the maternal mortality ratio by ¾, between 1990 and 2015. It is
important to emphasize that what promotes the high rate for the country are
the data on the maternal death of Black women.
The situation of abortion in Brazil, for as far back the evidence dates, is a serious
public health problem that mostly affects Black women, especially young
women. Research carried out in Brazil shows that the country's social and racial
inequalities, that have existed since colonial times, have also marked the
practice of abortion. “The most common characteristics of women who have
their first abortion are age up to 19 years, are Black and have children." This is
described in an unprecedented scientific article that the anthropologist Débora
Diniz, from the University of Brasília (UnB) and the Institute of Bioethics, Human
Rights and Gender (Anis) and sociologist Marcelo Medeiros, also from UnB and
the Institute of Applied Economic Research (Ipea) published. According to the
authors, socio racial differentiation is perceived even in the follow-up during the
medical procedure. “Black women report less the presence of partners than
white women,” write the researchers. Ten women reported having miscarried
alone and without assistance, almost all of them were Black, with low education
[elementary school]. "The study also reveals that, among women Black women,
the rate of induced abortion (3.5% of women) is twice that of white women
(1.7% of women).
The document “The epidemic of Zika and Black Women” by Jurema Werneck
shows that Black women are more exposed to Zika and other diseases
transmitted by the Aedes aegypti mosquito, due to living in areas where basic
sanitation is lacking and there is a need to store water drinking water, regular
water supply and no adequate garbage collection, creating an environment
conducive to development in the mosquito, and consequently the diseases
transmitted by it. Werneck shows that “Unofficial information indicates that 70%
of babies with microcephaly are children of Black women.” In addition to the
contamination, the impact of the epidemic also brings with it the problem of
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abandonment by the children's parents, mainly affecting young women, with
unstable relationships and who have had an unwanted pregnancy.
In the field of violence, preliminary studies by the Institute for Applied Economic
Research - IPEA, estimate that, between 2009 and 2011, Black women, young
people and the poor are the biggest victims of domestic violence. In Brazil, 61%
of deaths are of black women, the main victims in all regions of the country, with
the exception of the South. The high proportion of deaths of Black women and
young people in the Northeast (87%), North (83 %) and Midwest (68%). 2012 data
also point out that 63% of women in prison are Black women.
Violence against young Black women continues to target those who have
multiple sexual orientations, and for that reason, they suffer from specific
violence directed at lesbians, bisexuals and transgender people. In the scenario
presented to young Black lesbians, the “corrective rape,” which is the type of
violence that punishes women for not corresponding to a compulsory
heterosexuality in force in society, is used as a punishment for what is believed to
be the woman's denial of the masculinity of man. It is a cruel face of ‘cure’
through forced sex.
The characteristic of this type of practice is the preaching of the aggressor when
violating the victim: oftentimes these “corrective” rapes are undertaken by
Church congregations. The victims are mostly young people between 16 and 23
years old, lesbian or bisexual. Some aggressors even encourage “corrective
penetration” in groups on social networks and websites. During the 9th edition of
the National Seminar on Lesbians and Bisexual Women (Senalesbi), held in
Teresina in Piauí state, as well as during the 2nd National Seminar on Black and
Bisexual Lesbians, held in the city of Curitiba in Parana state, in a meeting of
Black women, young women presented the need for intergenerational dialogue
so that the demands of young Black women are presented and that they are in
intense dialogue with the agenda of lesbians and bisexuals.
Between 2014 and 2017, 126 women were killed in Brazil for being lesbians.
Among these figures, the case of Luana Barbosa, a young Black and non-
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feminized lesbian, living in a suburb in the interior of São Paulo, stood out in the
Brazilian media. Luana was a victim of police violence when she refused to be
searched by a male police officer, demanding a female police officer.
According to the Lesbocídio Dossier - Stories nobody tells (2017), 55% of murder
cases happen to non-feminized lesbians. And in 83% of cases, lesbians are
murdered by men. This terrifying data confirms the adverse effects of
heterosexual and racist politics ingrained in Brazilian society, which has been
making invisible victims until today. Lesbian invisibility makes it difficult to
develop other mappings, to collect data and to compile statistics that can
support debates and put pressure on the public authorities to guarantee basic
rights for this segment of the population that is constantly segregated from
society.
There is still a debate about the inclusion of young black women living in rural
areas, especially those from the traditional quilombola community. The various
complaints point to sexual crimes carried out against Black adolescents and
young people living in quilombola communities. In addition to the case of
abused girls, there is also the case of sexual exploitation, as well as the threats
and reprisals suffered by the families that carry out the denunciations that take
place in these and other quilombola communities, rural blacks in the interior of
the state. Brazil.
Although affirmative policies have guaranteed access for Black populations,
and consequently for young Black women, to rights such as access to higher
education, the comparison between different colour and sex groups between
the years 2003 and 2009 shows the persistence of inequalities in university space.
Despite the increase in schooling rates, the presence of white women and men
is still much higher than that of Black women and men, according to the “Black
Women Dossier: portrait of the living conditions of Black women in Brazil” (IPEA,
2013).
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In the Prison System, the female prison population increased by 567% in 15 years,
rising from 5,601 to 37,380 inmates between 2000 and 2014 (INFOPEN MULHERES,
2016). Most cases are due to drug trafficking, which accounts for 68% of arrests.
This data is even more relevant when it emerges that the majority of women in
prison in the country (68%) are Black, while 31% are white and 1% are classified
as “yellow” (INFOPEN MULHERES, 2016). Regarding the age group, about 50% of
incarcerated women are between 18 and 29 years old; 18%, between 30 and
34 years; 21%, between 35 and 45 years; 10% are in the age group between 46
and 60%; and 1%, are between 61 and 70 years old, and until June 2014 there
were no prisoners aged over 70 years.
In this sense, the great background is in fact an immense patchwork, sewing
different identity categories with different actions to confront human rights
violations. In the end, all of these statistics were only possible thanks to the
collective effort of countless black women's organizations, black movement and
other white organizations and people who joined the cause for a more just,
dignified and free Brazil of all kinds of oppression. We are far from experiencing
an equitable society, however, the country is experiencing its peak in terms of
the solidification of black identity, celebrating all African and indigenous
ancestry, improving ancestral technologies to combat racism and all
oppression. “Our steps come from afar.”
Situating this Special Issue within the Field Lesbian & Sapatão Studies in Brazil
Despite some efforts at theorizing lesbian existences in the 1980s and 1990s, it
was only after the 2000s that we begin to see increasing publications about the
lesbian existence in Brazil. As in the current Special issue, the production of
knowledge about lesbians has been carried out, mainly, by academic and/or
activists who speak from their positionality. They promote not only political and
theoretical visibility of the lesbian issue, but how, in an intersectional manner,
erasures and resistance to normative and oppressive power systems are also
constituted. Oppressive systems of power like compulsory heterosexuality (Rich
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2010; Curiel 2017), racism and patriarchy, which were structured in Brazil as a
constituent part of the colonial epistemological project, has its centrality in the
hegemonic figure of the heterosexual white, bourgeois and Christian man
(Saunders 2017).
The production of a Brazilian lesbian epistemology, or a sapatão epistemology
(Saunders, 2017), reveals the construction of critical and emancipatory thinking
because it constitutes a transgression of the heteronormative system and
compulsory heterosexuality which is racist and imbued with coloniality. Saunders
(2017) argues for the production of Black lesbian epistemologies at the
intersections in suggesting that the construction of a Black lesbian epistemology
is one of many possibilities of praxis that can contribute to processes of
decolonization. This approach constitutes an anti-colonial strategy to face
racism and lesbophobia.
In this context, lesbian theoretical production has been generated in Brazil,
primarily in the last decade. MH/Sam Bouncier and Judith Butler, Tanya
Saunders, Jules Falquet Adrienne Rich, Audre Lorde and Cheryl Clarke are
theorists who have greatly influenced the lesbian epistemology that is being
built in Brazil. Especially influential are the theoretical contributions of Caribbean
decolonial feminists Ochy Curiel, Yuderkis Espinosa and Mayan writer Dorotéa
Gomez Grijalva (2012). Writing from a decolonial perspective; they have
brought the understanding of the lesbian body as a political territory, endowed
with memory and knowledge, which becomes an instrument of patriarchal
decolonization.
In Brazil, Cassandra Rios, considered the first Brazilian lesbian writer to address
love and sexuality among women through fictional novels in the 1940s to 1990s,
was censored and her work confiscated during the military dictatorship in Brazil.
However, her work sought to build a positive representation of lesbians and
played an important role in structuring a narrative to confront the
heteronormative discourse of the time that strongly reinforced the conservative
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gender role for women as being destined for marriage and motherhood. Leila
Míccolis, also a Brazilian writer and poet in the 1970s and 1980s, wrote poems
about the lesbian universe and published in 1983, in co-authorship with Herbert
Daniel, one of the first books to deal theoretically with lesbianity: “Jacarés e
Lobisomens - two essays on homosexuality.” She also contributed to literature in
this area, since the 1970s, with articles for the extinct newspaper “Lampião de
Esquina,” an independent production of the homosexual movement in Rio de
Janeiro. The newspaper had distribution throughout Brazil and was read not only
by intellectual writers from different states in the country, but also abroad.
The “Lampião de Esquina” newspaper, which was part of the first wave of
publications by the homosexual movement in Brazil (Facchini, 2010), was an
important tool for building the autonomy of the lesbian movement in the
country and therefore for the structuring of a Brazilian lesbian epistemology. Her
collaborators were not only members of the lesbian movement, but also of the
feminist movement, among them Maria Luiza Heilborn and world renown Black
feminist Lélia Gonzales, who contributed a lot with their reflections in the fields of
sexuality and race, respectively.
Denise Portinari, an intellectual from Rio de Janeiro, also collaborated in the
production of lesbian thought in Brazil, through the publication of her book, in
1989, “The Discourse of Female Homosexuality,” in which she performed an
analysis of the various discourses on lesbianity, whether in music and in
institutional documents among other sources. Nowadays, Conceição Evaristo, a
world renowned Black writer and formative figure in contemporary Brazilian
literature, has used this methodology to produce visibility for the experiences of
Black women, including lesbians, in what she calls scribes: a writing of their own
experiences or ways of survival which have become powerful for confronting
women’s intersectional oppressions. Still in the field of literature, Ryane Leão,
writer and Black lesbian poet, has also produced reflections for the construction
of a lesbian thought through poetry. Additionally, there are also formative
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contemporary poets and literary figures such as Cidinha da Silva, Louise Queiroz,
Luciene Aparecida, Márcia Aires, Angélica Freitas, Natália Polesso.
Finally, it is crucial to recognize the work of Tatiana Nascimento, who has
become a reference in the production of Brazilian Black lesbian theory, not only
for her writing-resistance that erases the literary norm, but for her role as editor
and founder of an editorial enterprise that has been publishing works by Black
women and/or lesbians and other race/gender/sexual dissidents. Here work:
cuirlombismo literário has been translated for this special issue.
In the last five years, there are some very specific productions about lesbianities
that have been made in Brazil, contributing in an effective and significant way
to the construction of contemporary lesbian epistemology in Brazil. In
chronological order, in 2015, Tânia Pinafi published the book “History of the
Lesbian Movement in Brazil: Lesbians Against Invisibility and Prejudice,” an
important historical record of the struggle of lesbian women who sought to
guarantee rights, to confront prejudice and wove the autonomy of the lesbian
movement. In the Dossier “Sapatão é revolution! Lesbian Existences and
Resistances at Subordinate Crossroads,” launched in 2017, through the Revista
Periódicus (NUCUS / UFBA), lesbian researchers Simone Brandão Souza, Ana
Cristina C. Santos and Thais Faria organized this publication, which they sought
to focus on the articles of women, mostly lesbians, that centred on reflections of
their existence and lesbian resistance based on the intersecting differences
experienced by them.
In the following year, researchers Ana Carla da Silva Lemos and Nathalia
Christina Cordeiro organized, through the magazine Cadernos de Gênero e
Diversidade (Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), the Dossier “Feminist Lesbian
Thoughts and Resistances, Dialoguing with Classical, Contemporary Theorists
and Lesbian Movements,” which brings lesbian resistance as a central theme,
and is the result of the 1st Day on Lesbian Thought and product of the 1st
Extension Course on Contemporary Lesbian Thought, organized by the
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Lesbibahia Collective, Maria Quitéria Studies and Research Center and the
Feminist Studies Group in Politics and Education (GIRA) at the Federal University
of Bahia (UFBA).
The course, held in 2017, was coordinated by Bárbara Alves (LesbiBahia
Collective), Valéria Noronha (Maria Quitéria / UFBA) and Felipe Bruno Martins
Fernandes (GIRA / UFBA) and aimed to discuss the thoughts of lesbian authors
from all over the world, since the 1970s, until contemporary times, still articulating
UFBA with the lesbian social movements in Bahia.
Also in 2018, the books “Plural Lesbianities, sneaky approaches and
epistemologies” were launched - and “Plural Lesbianities, other productions of
knowledge and affections” , both organized by lesbian researchers Simone
Brandão Souza, Mayana Rocha Soares and Thais Faria. The two volumes sought
to create a space of theoretical and political visibility for Brazilian lesbian
productions, in order to produce new knowledge about the lesbian universe in
the country. All these initiatives and products, coupled with the growing
increase in the completion of courses, dissertations and theses produced on the
existence of lesbians, show the structuring of a powerful and ongoing lesbian
epistemology in Brazil.
We have noticed until now that the construction of the Brazilian lesbian
epistemology, although embodied in different theoretical perspectives of
lesbians already recognized worldwide, has also been based on the narratives
produced from the experiences lived by a plurality of lesbian women in Brazil.
We consider it important, however, that this Brazilian lesbian theory is also
constructed by women who are on the sidelines, like transgender women who
are lesbians and Black lesbian women in incarceration who also resist the power
of erasure. Each resist based on their narratives and actions, in struggle for daily
survival in medical and criminal justice systems and institutions; women who are
directly dealing with disciplinary power mechanisms that uses authoritarian
practices anchored in male, white, heterosexual and Christocentric culture to
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guarantee the obedience of all women, non-binary people, feminine subjects
and sexual and gender dissidents more broadly.
Summary of Articles in the Special Issue and Concluding Thoughts
In the essay, “Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing Ourselves a Word
Choice at a Time,” Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira discuss the epistemology of
translating lesbian and sapatão texts from Brazilian Portuguese into English. They
theorise about, what they call, the black sapatão translation strategies they
applied while translating, proofreading and copyediting the texts – articles,
essays and a poem – for the Caribbean Review of Gender Studies’ Special Issue
on gender and sexuality in contemporary Brazil. They point out the huge gap
between the amount – and the production conditions (when, how and by
whom) – of texts that are produced in Brazil by LGBTQI+ and/or black authors
and the amount that actually gets translated into English.
The essay, “literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of
pain,” tatiana nascimento asks the following questions: why does the
intelligibility of the literature produced by black and/or lgbtqi people seem to
be related to the thematic presence of the pain/resistance/denouncement
triad? in which ways does this triped approach meet the expectations of the
whiteist colonial cisheteronormative gaze’s typical sadism? is it possible, really
possible, to reconjure a concept founded on two brazilian contemporary black
thought pillars – beatriz nascimento and abdias nascimento, in their respective
propositions on quilombos [maroon societies] and quilombismo –, that still
engage with a heterocentered perspective on blackness, to create a basis for
the notion of queerlombism cuíerlombism as one in which the notions of black
diaspora and sexual dissidence are settled in the same ancestral ground?
In their essay entitled “Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory of The
Political Life of Marielle Franco” S. Tay Glover and Flavia Meireles undertake a
study of Franco’s life, in which they theorise the stakes, successes, and the limits
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of visibility and invisibility of a Black lesbian woman favelada mobilising an
intersectional Black lesbian coalitional politics within Brazil’s established
necropolitical infrastructure during a distinct conservative political turn. They
consider Franco's agenda and theory-in-praxis – as she did – within a genealogy
of diasporic Black (lesbian) intersectional struggles against (neo) colonialism,
and look to Franco’s case to illuminate survival strategies, and limitations, of
Black lesbian existence, in an environment of annihilation, for questions about
our futures.
Cuban psychologist Norma Rita Guillard Limonta, in her essay “The Social
Representation of Afro-Descendant Lesbians in Cuba: Lesbian Resistances,”
draws from Brazilian, Cuban and Caribbean Black Feminist scholars, activists and
artivists to theorize about how Black lesbian and gender non-conforming people
thoughout the African Diaspora offers us a framework in which to theorize
decoloniality and liberation. Norma’s essay was a surprise for us to receive: we
sent out the call for paper to our networks in Brazil, and we received a scholarly
article from a widely respected Cuban Afro-Feminist, who placed Black feminist
scholarship produced in Cuba, Brazil, the U.S. and the larger Caribbean and
Caribbean diaspora in conversation with each other. In many ways, for us, this
particular essay reflects the type of work we are attempting to undertake with
this Special Issue in which we speak to each other through our colonial
languages, and across the geographical and geopolitical boundaries imposed
on us.
In the poem “afro-latina,” formiga writes about her diasporic experience and
existence as a kuir afro-latina. In “Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday
Deaths: Notes of a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina” Aline Dias dos Santos
reflects on the lesbophobia aimed at the bodies of sapatonas in academia,
and how these aggressions occur similarly in different hierarchical spaces. It also
discusses the bathroom paradigm as a gender barrier, as a part of the white
gaze regime which operates as a locus of structural advantage, imprisoning
and eliminating bodies considered unsuitable for the male-female, white-black
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binary. She focuses on the experiences of black sapatonas, from the south of
Brazil, in order to destabilize the official narrative that popularises the south of
Brazil as a legitimate European colony, i.e. white and heterosexual, while the
North and North East are racialised as Indigenous and Black.
The essay entitled, “Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial Counter-
Narrative on the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions of the Right to the
City” by Aline P. do Nascimento and Sheyla dos S. Trindade analyses the socio-
spatial invisibilities of Black sapatonas in the cultural dimension of the centre of
Salvador. It seeks to provoke and debate the occupation of urban spaces from
the perspective of entertainment not only for Black sapatonas, but also for
bisexual and trans women (LBT), who have their existence erased due to
institutional racism and LGBTphobia.
In this sense, Ocupação Sapatão Bahia is a cultural activity in response to the
hegemonic and cisheteronormative spaces of public and private
entertainment. By boosting the presence of Black and female bodies in
Salvador's centre, the event seeks to promote the visibility of the Black LBT
women’s community. This essay is followed by the work of the featured visual
artist Ani Ganzala who is an independent watercolour and graffiti artist based in
Salvador, Bahia. Ani started her artistic training in the streets of Salvador as a
graffiti artist, and after experimenting with other mediums, she was struck by how
paper absorbs the colours of watercolour paint, and moved to watercolour as
her primary medium although she still is a very active graffiti artist. She has
exhibited her work throughout the Americas, Europe and Africa.
In “Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context,” Suane Felippe Soares presents a partial
overview of the book “Dossiê sobre lesbocídio no Brasil: entre 2014 e
2017” [Dossier on the Killing of Lesbians in Brazil: from 2014 to 2017], launched by
Milena Cristina Carneiro Peres, Suane Felippe Soares (the article’s author) and
Maria Clara Marques Dias, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on March 7th, 2018. The
Dossiê was a groundbreaking document and had tremendous repercussion
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among academic, activist and civil groups even though the primary focus was
on the lesbian public.
The Dossier drew widespread national and international attention and sparked
much national debate. The main goal of the paper is to analyse the possible
impacts of studying lesbocide on the transformation of paradigms concerning
violence against lesbians. In the following article, “Main Questions from Brazilian
Family Physicians on Lesbians and Bisexual Women’s Healthcare,” Renata
Carneiro Vieira and Rita Helena Borret show how, in Brazil, being a lesbian or a
bisexual woman represents an important social determinant of health. An
important aspect of the health-sickness process is the non-recognition by
lesbians and bisexual women of the healthcare system as a possible safe
environment. This is due both to the LGBTphobia they face in health units and to
the lack of knowledge and training skills by health professionals on the
specificities of this population. The article aims to systematise the main doubts
and questions of family physicians, medical residents and students from Brazil,
concerning the care of LGBT people in the Primary Healthcare level. The goal is
to promote and guide training activities with this theme both in undergraduate
and postgraduate courses, as well as in continuing education courses for health
professionals.
In “The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual Women at São Paulo’s
Carnival” Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca Fontes share their experiences as
a part of a carnival block of lesbian and bisexual women who that have been
out on the streets of downtown São Paulo, Brazil, making noise and challenging
patriarchy since 2016. Founded by a group of lesbians and bisexual women,
Siriricando seeks to promote spaces for socializing and strengthening of lesbian
and bisexual identities and sexual freedom. The work to increase awareness of
the reproduction of prejudices existing in the sexist, and patriarchal, Brazilian
society.
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The essay “Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the “Cabras”: Lesbianess
and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Cultural Event” by Ribamar José
de Oliveira Junior and Lore Fortes, presents a study on the artivism of sexual and
gender dissidents, in Brazilian popular culture, through a focus on the
performative production of the Guerreiro tradition in the city of Juazeiro do
Norte, in the countryside of Ceará, Brazil. The Northeastern part of Brazil is
considered to be among the most traditional, impoverished rural areas of the
country. By taking analysing the subversive performative politics of a sole lesbian
performer, Deborah Bomfins, who is a member of the group “Guerreiras de
Joana D'arc,” coordinated by Mestra Margarida Guerreira, the authors consider
the way in which sexuality permeates the artivism of the Northeastern regional
traditions. This is done by distorting the “cabra macho” [macho man] ideal in
popular culture, and even more intensely so in local Northeastern culture,
through visibility and resistance in a scenic dance performance. The author 13
argues that the Guerreiro tradition arises as a way of life for Deborah's lesbian
existence, mainly because, as a brincante [player], she faces prejudices by
standing between her lesbian identity and heteronormativity.
In the final article, entitled, “The Colonization of Non-feminine Lesbian
Experiences as a Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory
Reproduction of Masculinity” Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas argue that while
there is an investment of some groups in proposing, whenever possible, the
inclusion of non-feminine lesbians into various definitions of transmasculinities, this
actually runs the risk of (re)producing deterministic regulations on the bodies
and practices of non-feminine lesbians. One example of this is when the gaze
on a body identifies it as “a ‘transmacho’, but an inadequate one, because it
has boobs.”3 Considering the empirical data, it is reasonable to ask what are the
historical conditions of possibilities that have contributed to this move to frame
the body with this level of determinism.
The call to compose the special issue received more than one hundred articles
and it took several stages of reading, dialogue between the editors and re-
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Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues, Simone Brandão:
Kuírlombo Epistemologies CRGS Special Issue on Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
reading to finally reach the selected texts. We consider this an important fact in
how we curated this Special Issue, with the hope of highlighting how diverse
these experiences are and how there is increasing need for more academic
production in this area. In this way, what we have presented here was an effort
to cover as widely as possible the diverse experiences of being and
perspectives, while producing and thinking the epistemology of sapatāo in Brazil
as we present this field to an international audience who may be unfamiliar with
the intellectual production happening in Brazil in this area. For example, as co-
editors we seek to present the theory about the experience of a single lesbian
and her agency in the local culture in Cariri in the extremely rural northeast of
the country, as well as the experience of an entire carnival block in the largest
city in Latin America, Sāo Paulo.
As we attested earlier, this special issue has a political commitment to
decolonization and to the epistemology sapatāo and in this sense, we purposely
chose to leave the “flow of writing” present in the translation from Portuguese to
English by respecting the form as representative of the political choices of each
author. Additionally, through these translation politics in this special issue, we
seek to defy colonial languages. For English-speaking readers, sometimes the
text may seem a bit far-fetched or even grammatically incorrect, such as the
choice of using “k” instead of “c” or “y” instead of “and” or the use of “i” in
lowercase instead of “I.” Those political choices and strategies are theorized
and presented in the article “Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing
Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time,” and as the authors, we believe this also
creates an epistemology sapatāo.
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References and Further Reading
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Bentes, Nilma, and Brasil-Durban-Brasil. 2002. “Um marco da luta contra o racism.” Revista
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Latina Feminisms and Lorna Dee Cervantes’s Ciento.” MELUS, Volume 41, Issue 1, Spring
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Parker, Richard G. 2009. Bodies, Pleasures, and Passions: Sexual Culture in Contemporary Brazil.
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identidades sexuais e de gênero que reiteram e subvertem a heteronorma em uma
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Plurais: abordagens e epistemologias sapatonas. Salvador: Editora Devires..
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Devires..
Spivak, Gayatri. 2010. Pode o Subalterno Falar? Belo Horizonte, Ed. UFMG.
Vieira, Camila. 2019. “O afeto é revolucionário: a importância das redes de afetividade entre
mulheres negras.” Portal Blackfem. Online:
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Brasil.” Online:
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Wittig, Monique. 2006. El pensamento heterossexual. Madri: Ed. Egales.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/black-1
feminism-brazil#B Last Accessed on Saturday, May 16th at 8:23 pm.
The first stage of Brazil’s independence was a move by Pedro I, the prince of Portugal, to create the 2
Empire of Brazil in which he presided over as a monarch. Thus, Brazilian independence occurred after the
crown returned to Portugal leaving some of the royal family and establishment behind. Brazil was the last
country in the hemisphere to abolish enslavement and did so by decree without a war
Parker, Richard G. Bodies, Pleasures, and Passions: Sexual Culture in Contemporary Brazil, Second Edition. 3
Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009. muse.jhu.edu/book/10355.; Parker, R.G. 1989. “Bodies and
Pleasures: On the Construction of Erotic Meanings in Contemporary Brazil.” Anthropology and Humanism
Quarterly, 14: 58-64. doi:10.1525/anhu.1989.14.2.58
Cathryn J. Merla-Watson, “Staging Darker Desires: BDSM and the Coloniality of Affect in Latina Feminisms 4
and Lorna Dee Cervantes’s Ciento,” MELUS, Volume 41, Issue 1, Spring 2016, Pages 193–217,
https://doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlv087
Rodríguez, Juana María. Sexual Futures, Queer Gestures, and Other Latina Longings. New York: New York 5
University Press, 2015.
(Merla-Watson 195)6
(Merla-Watson 196)7
(Parker 151)8
(Green 1999, Detsi de Andrade Santos 2004, Parker 2009)9
Detsi de Andrade Santos 168.10
That is, the process by which the State allows the rule of law to be dismissed for a specific cause.11
Ministério da Mulher, da Família e dos Direitos Humanos https://www.gov.br/mdh/pt-br/navegue-por-12
temas/lgbt/biblioteca/relatorios-de-violencia-lgbtfobica
The term “cabra” [goat] is used to name men who are legitimized by male virility in north eastern Brazil; 13
see more about Guerreiro at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rCACdFV6lB8>=;
41
https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/black-feminism-brazil#B
https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/black-feminism-brazil#B
https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/black-feminism-brazil#B
https://muse.jhu.edu/book/10355
https://doi.org/10.1525/anhu.1989.14.2.58
https://www.gov.br/mdh/pt-br/navegue-por-temas/lgbt/biblioteca/relatorios-de-violencia-lgbtfobica
https://www.gov.br/mdh/pt-br/navegue-por-temas/lgbt/biblioteca/relatorios-de-violencia-lgbtfobica
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rCACdFV6lB8>=
https://doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlv087
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http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
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Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira: Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
Bruna Barros
Undergraduate Major in English
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor
Department of Spanish and Portuguese
Colorado College
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Abstract
In the following, we briefly discuss the epistemology of translating lesbian and
sapatão texts from Brazilian Portuguese into English. In this article, we bring out
and theorise about some of the black sapatão translation strategies we applied
while translating, proofreading, and copyediting the texts – articles, essays and
a poem – for the Caribbean Review of Gender Studies Special Issue on Gender
and Sexuality in Contemporary Brazil. Furthermore, we point out the huge gap
between the amount – and the production conditions (when, how and by
whom) – of texts that are produced in Brazil by LGBTQI+ and/or black authors
and the amount that actually gets translated into English. After examining some
examples of word choices and translation strategies adopted by us, we intend
to demonstrate how working with particular texts, particular themes, and
especially with black lesbian and sapatão authors, is part of and produces a
black sapatão epistemology. In addition, we intend to contextualise our
knowledge production within the politics discussed and practiced by our
research group Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro [Translating in the Black Atlantic],
coordinated by Professor Denise Carrascosa at the Federal University of Bahia.
Keywords: translation; black sapatão translation; epistemology; internationalism.
How to cite
Barros, Bruna and Jess Oliveira. 2020. “Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing Ourselves a
Word Choice at a Time”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 43–52
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Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira: Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
“this one is for black folks esse aqui é pro povo preto
this one is for the snap divas
this one is for the muxoxos, the clickers, the hmmm mms
this one is for the dykes, the greatest tongue masters
(shoutout to the multilingual sapatonas)
this one is for our ancestors who spoke in tongues”
(Barros and Oliveira 2020)
For Paulette Nardal and Jane Nardal
Translating the articles and essays for this special issue of Caribbean Review of
Gender Studies arouses some key topics that pervade our political and
intellectual practice. How does theory, and more importantly, how does black
lesbian/sapatão theory come in and out of Brazil? What is the importance of
translating Brazilian lesbian/sapatão thought into English? How do our choices
influence the way the readers receive the texts, that is, how will the translation
make the authors’ voices more audible/readable while still keeping them visible,
respecting their differences regarding the target/receptor language and
context?
It is worth noting that a significant part of the international literature used as
reference in the articles in this issue is translated material. In addition to that, the
fact that, generally, the authors of the articles do not cite the translators’ names
in the references implies that they usually ignore or are not aware of this stage,
of the crossing these ideas have to go through in order to arrive in their hands.
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Therefore, the feeling they have is that they are reading the exact words written
by the authors they have as references. However, we, as black sapatonas
translators, know that we make so many choices throughout the translation
process. These choices are more than semantic ones – they involve
responsibility, an ethics with the subjects who wrote the texts, the themes, and
the messages within the texts.
By adding the translators’ names in the references, we noticed that the
translations of lesbians such as Monique Wittig and Adrienne Rich, were done by
men. And this might begin to answer how theory arrives in Brazil, be it lesbian,
black, and/or black LGBTQI+ theory. Black/feminist theory (Fanon 1967; hooks
1992; Morrison 1992, etc.) has largely and deeply demonstrated how the white,
heterosexual and male gaze(s) shape(s) visual production, psychiatry and the
arts; that is to say, how it/they interfere(s) in the ways society and Black and/or
LGBTQI+ people see ourselves. How would it/they disappear in translation –
especially when translating lesbians/sapatonas?
Concerning the framework permeating our translation work and its specificities,
Carrascosa (2017) states:
Translation, thus, emerges in the Black Atlantic as political labour in
the Spivakian sense of strong work with language as an identity and
subalternity producing agent and, at the same time, in its rhetoric
dimension, as a potential generating factor of subversive
dissemination. (...) [The translator’s] exercise does not imply only an
instrumental communicative work to broaden the accessibility and
the dialogue between writing and reading in this other imagined
time-space; but, additionally, it produces a performativity in
language that is capable of displacing, decentring, and
rearticulating possibilities of senses that reverse ethnocidal forces.
In this context, our black translation practice is one of healing our transnational
community from the isolation colonial languages imposed on us. This practice
springs from our Afrodiasporic theoretical roots, guiding, for in our collective
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Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira: Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
translation work, performing a rupture with the idea of intellectual solitude and
the translator's invisibility. As black sapatão translators, our work seeks to
displace, misplace, rearrange, push, and pull the words and their meanings in
order to refabulate history. Sometimes, it is a matter of tending to our scars, for
instance: recurrently, we come upon the word “slave,” both in old and new
works, by black and white authors. This term, as well as the ideologies behind it,
were brutally imposed on us. By adding three letters – “enslaved” – and then
another word to it – “enslaved person” –, we turn a dehumanising term into one
that acknowledges the process of dehumanisation some groups of people were
forced through.
Another aspect in terms of how we navigate translation politics – now into
Brazilian Portuguese – is how we deal with grammatical genders. In Brazilian
Portuguese, there are masculine, feminine nouns/pronouns, neuter nouns, and
no neuter pronouns. According to this language’s grammar and writing
conventions, masculine nouns/pronouns should be used to express neutrality.
Therefore, regardless of the ratio, when referring to a group composed of men,
women and gender non-conforming/dissident/non-binary people, the plurals,
for example, should be masculine. In Brazilian academic writing, some
intellectuals (notably gender non-conforming/dissident/non-binary people and
feminist women, black and otherwise) have been using alternatives to this issue,
hacking grammar, messing with words, decomposing old concepts. In the
Brazilian Portuguese version of this essay, for example, in an attempt to provide
easily comprehensible neutral plural options in a language that only has
masculine/feminine ones, we simply used “pessoas” before the plurals.
“Pessoas” is a feminine noun, so the plural form used with it is also feminine, but it
stands for “people,” which includes gender non-conforming/dissident/non-
binary people, women and men. Besides being easy to understand, this
alternative is also accessible, because it can be effortlessly read by reading
software – unlike other options developed earlier, when neutral language was
more of a novelty in Brazil. Through our translation practices, we defy the
colonial language by proposing other pronoun guidelines.
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Throughout the translation process of the articles, we came across some
important terms concerning the Brazilian LGBTQI+ community, e.g.: “sapatão/
sapatona,” “travesti” and “bicha.” Each and every one of these terms is deeply
related to Brazilian culture and to the LGBTQI+ struggle in this country.
“Sapatão” (or sapatona) is often translated as lesbian – and sometimes butch or
dyke. Both terms – sapatão and lesbian – do indeed stand for the same
demographic when one considers solely the sexuality aspect. However, when it
comes to race, gender and gender expression, there are some specificities
about “sapatão/sapatona” that the term “lesbian” does not seem to
encompass, i.e.: 1) some black sapatonas do not use “lesbian” due to its Greek
– white – origin, and would rather use a Brazilian term to describe themselves; 2)
some sapatonas do not feel comfortable being labelled as women and use
sapatão not only to describe their sexualities but the way they carry themselves
in relation to and/or in terms of gender expression; 3) “sapatão/sapatona” is
usually preferred and more frequently used by those who consider themselves
non-feminine; 4) some sapatonas do not mind being addressed to with
masculine pronouns or even prefer them. Furthermore, “sapatão/sapatona”
used to be a slur, but the Brazilian sapatão community reclaimed it as a symbol
of pride and self-love. There is power in our self-naming and a long history of
struggle behind how we chose to affectionately call ourselves and each other.
The meaning of “Bicha” is somewhat close to faggot, considering that both
words are former slurs used to refer to gay men which are now used as pride
statement by some of them. In the Brazilian gay community, “bicha” – also
spelled bixa – was formerly and frequently used to refer to highly feminine
individuals, who were – and are – deeply persecuted and especially targeted
by homophobic violence. Nowadays, besides being used as a self-defining term
by some gay men, it also stands for an identity itself, used both by people who
identify within the non-binary identities and people who do not engage in the
binary/non-binary discussion at all. A bicha is a bicha.
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Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira: Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
“Travesti” is also very specific for the Brazilian LGBTQI+ culture. Sometimes the
term is translated as “trans woman,” because there are a lot of shared
experiences between these two categories – which very frequently intertwine,
as some people might identify as being both. In fact, in Brazil, the T in LGBTQI+
stands for travesti and transgender/transsexual. However, some travestis do not
wish to be compared to trans women, because there were – and they were –
travestis until the term “mulher trans” [trans woman] came into usage in Brazil.
Also, some travestis argue that “mulher trans” implies the reaffirmation of binary
ideas of gender, and, for this reason, place themselves apart from the latter, in a
specific category, despite sharing the T in the community. In spite of the
common etymology of “travesti” and the English word “transvestite,” the latter
can never be used as translation to the former. “Transvestite” is frequently
offensive when used to refer to trans people, while “travesti” is a pride statement
for those who identify as such.
Furthermore, sometimes the bicha and the travesti identities intertwine and
meet each other, as there are some individuals that identify as “bicha travesty,”
an identity that plays and messes even more with square and monolithic ideas
of gender. In 2019, the film “Bixa Travesty” (2019), directed by Kiko Goifman and
Claudia Priscilla, came out in Brazil, starring Linn da Quebrada, an artist that
places herself in this category. In her song of the same name, “Bixa Travesty,”
Linn da Quebrada (2017) sings: “Bixa travesty de um peito só / O cabelo
arrastando no chão / E, na mão, sangrando um coração” [Bixa travesty with
only one boob / Dragging her hair across the floor / With a heart bleeding on
her hand].
Translating means dealing with the historical contexts of words in more than one
language, culture, time and space. Each word used to describe black and/or
LGBTQI+ people and our life experiences is a crossroad – being able to choose
how to define ourselves and those in our communities is powerful; through this
act, we call ourselves by our names with our own voices, on our own terms. That
is why we kept the Brazilian terms (discussed above) in the English version.
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With this gesture, we try to preserve different identities, gender expressions,
mixtures and twists of languages – we prevent the history of gender non-
conforming/dissident/non-binary and racial identities from being whitewashed
into a universal LGBTQI+ liberal identity, since language is a means of expressing
cultural differences. Therefore, answering the third question, we believe that, by
keeping the source terms, our translation can endorse the recognition and
acknowledgment of these identities in different contexts. Once we can see
each other and know how we define ourselves in different cultures, times and
spaces, we can then recognize similarities and differences, act aware of what
brings us together and sets us apart as well as how we survived different, but
hostile environments. We can learn and exercise freedom strategies.
Spivak (2000) argues that “translation is the most intimate act of reading.” We,
following this reasoning, look at translating black and/or lesbian/sapatonas texts
as a source of pleasure, knowledge and power. So when translating subjects
who were and still are silenced in certain spaces, who are most of the time
invisible or not seen as knowledge producers, who are constantly defined by
others, we are aware of what is at stake in our task, mainly because we can
relate to the authors and/or to the themes and contexts.
We understand that our academic production is not separate from our poetical
creation. Regarding our work as a translation collective, Translating in the Black
Atlantic means, among other principles, taking into account the artistic aspects
of our theory and the theoretical aspects of our poetry, for both come into
being concomitantly, as Carrascosa frequently asserts. Moving forward, to
translate a text – be it an article, an essay or a poem – is to write a (new) text, it
is the result of our relation with the author and their work, their po-ethics and
ours. As black sapatão translators who “stand in identity avenues” – or
crossroads – (Akotirene 2019), our challenge is to connect the dimensions
through which we navigate as we live and as we translate – ourselves and each
other –, posing our questions and considerations many times in the details of the
translated text, as if ripples through black translation – through black sapatão
translation.
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Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira: Black Sapatão Translation Practices:
Healing Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time
References and Further Reading
Akotirene, C. 2019. Interseccionalidade. São Paulo, SP: Sueli Carneiro; Pólen.
Barros, Bruna and Jess Oliveira. 2020. “Translating in the Black Atlantic.” The Poetry Project
Newsletter #260. https://www.poetryproject.org/publications/newsletter/260-feb-march-
april-2020/translating-in-the-black-atlantic
Carrascosa, Denise. 2017. “Traduzindo No Atlântico Negro: Por Uma Práxis Teórico-Política De
Tradução Entre Literaturas Afrodiaspóricas.” In Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro: Cartas
Náuticas Afrodiaspóricas para Travessias Literárias, edited by Denise Carrascosa.
Salvador, Bahia: Editora Ogum’s Toques Negros.
Edwards, Brent Hayes. 2003. “Feminism and L’Internationalism Noir: Paulette Nardal.” The
Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism.
Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England.
Fanon, Frantz. 1967. Black Skins, White Masks. Translated by Charles L. Markman. New York: Grove
Press.
hooks, bell. 1992. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston, Massachusetts: South End Press.
Linn da Quebrada. 2017. “Bixa Travesty” Track 4 on Pajubá. Independent.
Morrison, Toni. 1992. Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Spivak, G. Ch. 2000. “The Politics of Translation.” In The Translation Studies Reader, edited by
Lawrence Venuti . London and New York: Routledge.
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https://www.poetryproject.org/publications/newsletter/260-feb-march-april-2020/translating-in-the-black-atlantic
https://www.poetryproject.org/publications/newsletter/260-feb-march-april-2020/translating-in-the-black-atlantic
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
Towards a Transnational Black Feminist
Theory of The Political Life of Marielle
Franco
S. Tay Glover
Founder
The Witch Goddess Wellness
Flavia Meireles
Ph.D. Candidate in Communication and Culture
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
& Assistant Professor at CEFET-RJ, Brazil
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Abstract
This paper examines the brief, remarkable presence of leftist Brazilian lesbian
politician Marielle Franco, who was executed 14 March 2018 in what is a still
unresolved case. Memorialising and examining Franco's case, this co-authored
piece is a form of transnational Black lesbian feminist scholar-activism that both
investigates her intersectional agendas of race, class, geography, gender,
sexuality, and her institutionalised political struggles during her term as a minority
force in Rio de Janeiro parliament. From this study of Franco’s life, we theorise
the stakes, successes, and the limits of visibility and invisibility of a Black lesbian
woman favelada mobilising an intersectional Black lesbian coalitional politics
within Brazil’s established necropolitical infrastructure during a distinctly
conservative political turn. With the support of an assembled archive of
decolonial transnational feminism, we also consider Franco's agenda and
theory-in-praxis – as she did – within a genealogy of diasporic Black (lesbian)
intersectional struggles against (neo) colonialism. Speaking across languages
and global Southern geographies, we situate our respective research and
positional experiences of witnessing challenges and erasures of Black lesbians in
genealogies of transnational feminism and mainstream politics in Brazil. We
consider Franco’s embodiment a premier site of transnational Black feminist
theoretical possibility for delineating the diasporic, transnational phenomenon of
Black lesbian symbolic annihilation, and look to Franco’s case to illuminate
survival strategies and limitations of Black lesbian existence in an environment of
annihilation for questions about our futures.
Keywords: black lesbian, transnational feminism, black geographies,
annihilation, Marielle Franco.
How to cite
Glover, S. Tay and Flavia Meireles. 2020, “Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory of The
Political Life of Marielle Franco. 2020. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 53–72
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
Introductions and Invocations
This collaboration emerged from presenting as co-panellists at the annual “2019
Lesbian Lives Conference" in Brighton (UK). We were the only voices at the
conference centering Black lesbian feminist invisibility and the global South. Our
panel took place on the first anniversary of Marielle Franco’s death. The
successive presentations flowed like a dialogic invocation. They were an urgent
call to uplift the embodied political life of Marielle Franco – a leftist Brazilian
lesbian politician brutally executed on 14 March 2018 – and to consider its
significance to Brazilian anticolonial resistance and transnational feminism. 1
Interfacing across Southern geographies, we learned that we both have
witnessed the challenges and erasures of Black lesbians (as well as trans and
gender non-conforming folks), and the ongoing historical record of their
intellectual-sociopolitical contributions to politics in Brazil.
For instance, Marielle Franco was a Human Rights defender for ten years before
her campaign in 2018. In her brief term as a politician, she cultivated various
coalitions via her inhabitation of different worlds and epistemologies –
institutional, communitarian, marginal. She translated these embodied,
communitarian knowledges into concrete public policies (Meireles 2020).
Though Marielle Franco’s passing provoked transnational attention and
memorialisation in activist networks, it was the first time many US-based activists
became aware of Franco’s work, and the work of Indigenous, Afro-Brazilian,
lesbian, queer, trans comrades who were bravely fighting the vestiges of slavery
in Brazil. Although #BlackLivesMatter was a movement resisting the erasure of
Black lesbian, queer women, trans* and gender non-conforming (GNC)
people’s radical political-intellectual labour and death with its increasing global
solidarity, there were largely no efforts to truly connect with the urgent
protracted plight of Afro-Brazilian folks, or to issue a call to action to protect
Black lesbian lives. Shortly after Marielle Franco’s passing, the annual Decolonial
Transnational Black Feminism Institute in Cachoeira (Brazil) convened. It offered
an opportunity to centre the history of racial politics and social justice from the
Brazilian Black feminist perspectives of professors, students, community activists,
scholar artists, spiritualists – all holding different relationships to privilege and
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oppression within Brazil’s (neo) colonial racial systems. But remarkably, even in 2
the aftermath of Franco’s execution, with an overwhelming majority of Black
lesbian and queer women from Brazil and the diaspora in attendance, to
many’s disappointment, Black lesbian and queer sociopolitical-intellectual
histories and issues were an afterthought (Glover 2018).
This co-authored paper is a form of transnational lesbian feminist scholar-
activism that examines the embodied political life, unresolved case and
transnational legacy of Marielle Franco as a premiere case study of the
diasporic, transnational phenomenon of Black lesbian symbolic annihilation – a
Black lesbian feminist concept that describes the critical functions of (in)visibility,
asymmetrical solidarity, and memorialisation to Black lesbians’ past-in-present
relationship to death. This co-authored piece both investigates Franco’s 3
intersectional agendas of race, class, geography, gender, sexuality, and her
institutionalised political struggles during her term as a minority force in the Rio
de Janeiro parliament. From this study of Franco’s political life and annihilation, 4
we theorise the stakes, successes, and the limits of visibility and invisibility of a
Black lesbian woman favelada (poor from the shanty towns) that mobilised an
intersectional Black lesbian coalitional politics within Brazil’s established
necropolitical infrastructure during a distinctly conservative political turn. 5
The significance of Franco’s political life and execution to Brazilian anticolonial
resistance and transnational feminism is also a primary site for heuristic
delineation of Black lesbian symbolic annihilation, which considers how their
sociopolitical and intellectual labour and memorialisation is folded into
necropolitical projects. Thus, we consider Franco's agenda and theory-in-praxis
as she did: within a genealogy of Black diasporic lesbian intersectional struggles
against (neo) colonialism, while engaging an archive of decolonial
transnational feminism. This is an attempt to reterritorialise Black lesbian diasporic
contributions and dialectically extend theoretical conversations concerning
queer necropolitics, lesbian geographies, and decolonial feminisms to situate
the diasporic, transnational phenomenon of Black lesbian symbolic annihilation. 6
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of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
Witnessing invisibility’s function in Black lesbians’ relationships to mainstream
Brazilian politics, coalitions, and intellectual histories, we look to Franco’s case to
teach us survival strategies for, and the limitations of, Black lesbian existence in
an environment centered on the annihilation of our futures.
“Our steps come from far away”
Brazil was the destination of the largest cargoes of enslaved Black people from
across "The Black Atlantic,” and was the last country in the world to abolish
slavery (1888). Marielle is a symbol of a long political struggle, as she used to 7
say, recalling Jurema Werneck’s saying: “our steps come from far away.” After 8
abolition, the civil-military dictatorships (1964-1985) and the subsequent
democracy were built on pigmentocracy. The amnesty process after the
dictatorships pardoned those who tortured and killed many, such as Carlos
Brilhante Ustra, one of the country's biggest torturers. He is known for torturing
former president Dilma Rousseff, who was elected from the Workers' Party (PT) in
2011 as Brazil's first female president, during the dictatorship period. During her
impeachment process (2016), Jair Bolsonaro praised Carlos Brilhante Ustra on
the floor of Congress. In 2019, Bolsonaro rose to the presidency. This is the
national political context of Marielle’s case and her intersectional political
struggles. 9
During Marielle’s campaign, she adopted the famous phrase: “I am because
we are” as her slogan. She often referred to the African philosophy Ubuntu,
which stands for the interdependency between all living beings - the phrase
and philosophy Nelson Mandela mobilised to incite South African liberation. 10
Franco employed such concepts to signal Afro-Brazilian diasporic sociopolitical
identity, transnational Black Solidarity and the continued relevance of African
Philosophy to African diasporic and feminist liberation struggles and
cosmologies. According to Fátima Lima (2018): "a genesis of intersectional
studies can be found in theorists understood and self-understood as Black
women and women of colour, trying to create not only a concept, but also
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analyses that would account for the multiple oppressions that traverse different
experiences" and we add different cosmologies. Governing bodies have 11
always ignored the inherent coloniality and trans nationality of its governed
geographies that are a result of colonial occupation, slavery and forced
diasporic migration. Similarly, law, institutionalised academic disciplines,
valuations of knowledge, social justice coalitions and feminisms have historically
suppressed and truncated Black women and women of colour’s intersectional,
diasporic, transnational, decolonial feminist archives of knowledge and social
justice efforts, that speak to/across the colonial roots and geographies of
oppression, for liberation. The existence of a Decolonial Transnational Black
Feminism Institute in Brazil and our archival assemblage continues a legacy of
speaking back to these unproductive conventions.
For instance, like Chandra Mohanty (1988), decolonial feminists such as Yurdekis
Espinosa Miñoso (2017) analyse how discursive colonisation by occidental
Northern feminism must be deconstructed and superceded to highlight
struggles and concepts from Latin American feminisms, avoiding what Miñoso
calls "epistemic privilege." This effort should be to build a decolonial
transnational feminism that emancipates the Latin American subaltern, where
Spivak (2003) elucidates that the paroxysm of the subaltern is "a black poor
woman of the Third World" (Spivak 2003). Scholars like Hortense Spillers (1987;
2003), an African American feminist whose work reminds one of the tendency to
displace domestic colonialism of the US empire, along with Black lesbian feminist
Evelyn Hammonds (1994), Aníbal Quijano (2000), Breny Mendonza (2004), and
María Lugones (2010) have intervened to decolonise white feminist analyses of
gender and sexuality, delineating how the imposition of racialised gender and
racialised sexuality have been colonial tools of power and inhumane violence
with persistent effects.
Though transnational feminism is type-cast as a present-day corrective,
antiracist, anti-colonialist, decolonial feminism (Alexander and Mohanty 1997;
Nagar and Swarr 2012), when fashioning feminist genealogies and praxes in and
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of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
outside of the academy, continual reminders to examine interpersonal and
structural power dynamics at play are necessary. Black lesbian symbolic
annihilation s signals the neoliberal necropolitical tensions of Black lesbian
women’s historical and contemporary incorporation into feminist and queer
sociopolitical and intellectual projects and genealogies. These genealogies
have yet to show an in-depth understanding, or a call to action, to alleviate
Black lesbian's particular polyvalent relationship to death and dispossession
(Glover 2017, 2019).
Though interrogating the violence of androcentric, cis-heteronormative and
homonormative social justice and academic projects, Black lesbian and lesbian
women of colour feminists’ contributions have historically been formative
anticolonial theoretical-political advancements that bridge, and radically push,
transdisciplinary scholarship and social politics toward intersectional
transnational feminist theories and decolonial praxes. Most notably, the 12
Combahee River Collective (1977), a group made up of Black lesbians, and
Audre Lorde’s (1984) poetics about power, sameness, and difference,
foregrounded theories and social justice politics conceptualised around
intersectionality in diaspora from a Black lesbian feminist epistemology.
The work of Lorde and Jacqui Alexander (2006) in particular exemplified
heuristic convergence of a Black lesbian onto-epistemology, Afro-diasporic
Black lesbian feminist critique, and Third World feminism turned transnational
feminism coalitional politics. Chandra Mohanty and Jacqui Alexander’s 1997
edited volume, Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures, is
cited as the monumental feminist text defining transnational feminism as a type
of feminism with particular theoretical and methodological tenets. Mohanty and
Alexander dedicate Feminist Genealogies to Audre Lorde because her lifework
taught them “accountability in envisioning, forming, and maintaining
community;” and to devise nuanced analytic tools for understanding the world
for liberatory knowledge and revolution (ix). Lorde and Alexander were key
influencers of “transnational feminism,” which centred geopolitics, spatiality,
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history, and embodied theory in feminist analysis to advocate for reflexive praxis
regarding unequal, complex levels of oppression and privilege between people
in places to understand and connect global processes of [re]colonisation which
undergird capitalism, life chances, and the various constructions of self, identity
and culture. As Caribbean Black lesbian feminist immigrants, their analyses and
critiques converged with Third World turned Transnational feminism’s turn back
to the Global South as urgent places to examine Black bio-necropolitical
suffering and resistance. It has intersected with and influenced scholarship at
the intersection of black feminism, queer-of-colour and trans-of-colour critique
concerned with queer diaspora’s particular vulnerabilities to poverty,
marginalisation, exploitation, violence, and annihilation along lines of difference
produced by the colonial legacy of cis-heteropatriarchal slavery, and antiblack
ideologies about space, gender, and sexuality (Glover 2014, 2018).
In political terms, the City Council of Rio de Janeiro reproduces institutionalised
antiblack and antifeminist cis-heteropatriarchal norms to maintain a status quo
of the annihilation of Black lesbian feminists’ presence and their decolonial
political campaigns. After Rousseff's impeachment (2016), a rise of right-wing
politicians and overt hate speeches became a common part of public political
discourses. Franco had to develop strategies to maintain her coalitional political
work in an explicitly oppressive, precarious environment and hostile parliament.
Nevertheless, as we learn from Lugones (2010) “in our colonised, racially
gendered, oppressed existences we are also other than what the hegemon
makes us be” (Lugones 2010, 746). In Council, Franco exposed and denounced
state violence against vulnerable groups. Franco also valued the ways the
favela could resist inequalities and bring creative and unexpected solutions,
while valorising their social wealth. Franco operationalised Black people's corpus
of knowledge, mobilising Black lesbian feminist strategies to “survive” in the
House (Meireles 2020).
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
Marielle Franco “in the house” as a councilwoman
Elected in 2017, Franco's presence in politics highlighted what Black lesbian
feminist Lima (2018) describes as “fictional racism à la Brazilian mode,” which is
the specific manifestation of embedded racism in Brazilian society. Despite
being already criticised, the myth of racial democracy makes people believe
that economic inequality is the single tenet of discrimination against Black
people. To that end, Congolese anthropologist Munanga (2017) states that "it is
by the geography of the bodies that we are seen and perceived before
discovering our social classes." The mixed-raced discourse (miscigenação) of
homogeneity with no racial differentiation is fallacious when recalling Brazil’s
historical formation and nineteenth-century genocidal projects of white-washing
the population through historical governmental policies. 13
Although LGBT activism in Brazil dates to the 1970s, given Brazil’s conservative
parliament, public support from politicians or self-representative lesbian
politicians is a recent phenomenon that began in 2000. Even in the most 14
democratic periods, such as the years of a leftist government (2003-2016), there
were some LGBT rights policies raised, but these were not made law. Franco’s
coalitional strategy included capitalising on the momentum of the women’s
struggle in Rio de Janeiro – known as the Spring Women’s Movement (2015) -,
and taking to the Council progressive debates and an accumulation of
intersectional community worldviews and issues heard on the streets in social
movements and from her lived experience pertaining to race, gender, sexuality,
and poverty. Franco is remarkable in that of all the policies she advocated, 15
only one – The Lesbian Visibility Day – was not made law. Franco was a part of 16
the committee who awarded the 2017 Chiquinha Gonzaga honour to Jaqueline
Gomes de Jesus – first organiser of a transfeminist book in Portuguese and one of
the few Black transwomen to hold a PhD in Brazil – thus bringing attention to
transfeminism while showing symbolic valuation in an honour traditionally
dedicated to cis-women. Franco advocated for the diversity of families by 17
drafting specific policies for single mothers instead of focusing only on nuclear
families. Overtly standing for Black poor women’s rights, Franco made long-term
policy demands for mothers such as free evening child care. Additionally, she
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defended a campaign against sexual harassment in public transportation, and
The Day of Thereza de Benguela to honour important Black women, all which
were passed into law. She also defended new measures granting young 18
prisoners access to education. To get anything done in general, Franco used
feminist strategies in the Council, such as denouncing mansplaining from other
Council members and refusing to be interrupted in her speech. One of her most
well-known statements was: “We won’t be interrupted.”
During and after the 2017 municipal elections, Franco's identity politics were a
point of political negotiation of coalitional organising strategies and the stakes
of her visibility. This maps onto a history of Black lesbian women's social justice
organising being diffuse and politically contingent. This mobilisation of
oppositional consciousness was due to navigating varying degrees of
heteronormativity, white homonormativity, and asymmetrical solidarity, while
remaining tethered to a broad investment in intersectionality. For example, her 19
candidacy was not viewed as a lesbian campaign, but as a Black woman
favelada campaign. Franco's lesbian identity only became publicly politicised
after her election. While lesbian issues were not a campaign point for her as a 20
candidate, they were not hidden issues as she was deeply involved in lesbian
activism, though not a part of any specific lesbian/bisexual group nor of the
women’s movements. Once elected, she was able to assemble and mobilise
several lesbian movements around the municipality voting for a Lesbian Visibility
Day into law. Franco renewed a dynamic in politics, one that considered the
collective of people to be an on-going construction, with multiple layers,
contexts and complexities. Her identity politics also illustrated how laborious and
precarious (in)visibility can be when navigating politics with a Black lesbian
intersectional coalitional agenda.
Franco called on autonomous lesbian movements/groups to strategise ways to
pass legalisation for the Lesbian Visibility Day in Council. The movements
understood the need to undertake a pedagogical strategy due to anticipating
resistance from Conservative parties. Their first strategy was a seminar on Labour
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
and Rights while other strategies focused on the power plays amongst political
parties. Lastly, they organised an event called Ocupa Sapatão, a cultural
activity held to celebrate and to promote the visibility of lesbians, bisexual and
trans women, to be held on 29 August. The draft law was defeated by two votes
and Franco declared: "This theme is not new; we are already on the streets. You
have to respect our rights, this population’s existence matters.” 21
Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory of Black Lesbian Symbolic
Annihilation
Franco was last seen on 14 March 2018 at Casa das Pretas (Black Women’s
House), a place for gathering and knowledge production, run by Black lesbian
feminists in downtown Rio de Janeiro. The event entitled "Young Women Moving
Structures,” brought four young women activists together to share organising
strategies and their experiences to inspire hope. Marielle Franco was a speaker
and moderator of the discussion. The event was part of a wider campaign,
called “21 Days of Activism Against Racism!” where a series of events occurred
from 1-21 March in remembrance of the "Sharpeville Massacre" and the United
Nations’ consecration of 21 March as the International Day to Fight for the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Ironically, but without coincidence, this 22
would be Marielle’s last day communing with Black lesbian feminists. En route
from the event, Marielle’s car was shot at 13 times, reportedly by two men in a
vehicle that was following them to carry out this professionally-targeted
shooting. She and her driver Anderson Pedro Gomes were killed. Marielle
suffered four shots to her head. Much has been published about how
necropolitics affects various oppressed groups from a transnational perspective,
with the objective of exhuming the particular kinds of deadly conditions that
affect their quality of life and increase their vulnerability to death. This work
appraises both the value of oppressed groups in society and incites a call to
action to protect their lives. However, there is a paucity of theorising concerning
the relationship between necropolitics and Black lesbian life. 23
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Jacqui Alexander’s definition of neocolonialism, using a Black lesbian
epistemology, contextualises power as operationalised through imperial or neo-
imperial recolonisation. She argues that new forms of imperialist recolonisation
occur through the alliance of corporate and state power, cultural imperialism
and militarism, in the age of global capitalism, in accordance with imperial
powers’ interests. Alexander foregrounds "the shared violence of
heterosexualisation so as to provide the connective web within and among
colonial, neo-colonial, and neo-imperial social formations” (2006, 181-194).
Ultimately, the reported motive for Franco’s execution was her Black lesbian
feminist political success and exposure, and her denouncement of neo-colonial
necropower in the forms aforementioned, but particularly as it manifested in
militaristic police occupation, brutality and corruption in favelas like her own
with impunity. Following Fátima Lima (2018):
Depending on the places we occupy and the absence of social and
individual rights that end up becoming privileges, some lives become an
investment space for a policy of death. In order for us to combat and
minimise the statistics and the different violence involving the experiences
[of Black lesbian/bisexual women], we must, first of all, remove Black
lesbians and bisexuals from invisibility. Our lives matter (Lima 2018, 78).
Invisibility and Annihilation
Marielle was born and raised in Maré – a favela enclosed by an opaque plastic
fence, with a history of army occupation beginning in 2015, where houses and
schools are filled with bullet holes. In Maré there are police barracks and young
men openly carry pistols, machine guns and radios. This is reflective of “the
violence inflicted by Rio’s police on the community as they fight – and
occasionally collude – with the drug gangs and another force active on the
streets: the unofficial militias whose members include serving and former police
officers.” Franco lived a precarious life-in-death situation whether she was 24
“highly visible [and advocated her truth], or rendered invisible through the
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
depersonalisation [and annihilation] of racism” (Lorde 1994, 42). She denounced
the violence inflicted by Rio’s police and its recent federal militarisation.
Philips (2018) reports that unnamed police officers and prosecutors have
confessed they believe her murder to be linked to her political success and her
denouncement of police abuses. Interviewed community members share this
sentiment. She exemplified how Black lesbian existence “actually identifies an
ethic and a set of social relations that point to the instability of white supremacist
cis-heteropatriarchy and to a possible critical emergence within that instability"
that could upset the order of things, thus needing to be annihilated (Ferguson
2004). Franco’s annihilation dilemma – of high Black lesbian visibility and
execution in contrast with the required erasure and invisibilised vulnerability to
necropolitical death of people like her– maps on to the historical precedent of
Black lesbian feminist leaders and populations who continue to be invisibilised,
quietly annihilated, and/or restored to life only in-death. They are then
posthumously exploited in memorialisation, in service of futures except for those
like their own. To quote Franco’s last twitter post on 13 March, the day before
she was executed, the urgent question is: “How many more have to die for this
war to end?” Can we acknowledge Franco’s symbolic annihilation as symbolic
of Black lesbians’ structural relation to death? Is her death a sacrificial bridge to
freedom and an intellectual and sociopolitical ingenuity where one only
receives transnational solidarity as the “living dead?”
Legacy
Franco’s execution gained local and international attention and a call to action
to solve her criminal case and refute efforts to criminalise her after death. 25
Monica Benício, Franco's widow, has been an important figure in supporting
lesbian visibility policies – from giving talks, to taking part in Mangueira Samba
School’s 2019 parade with a section honouring Franco –, and as a character
witness in Franco’s ongoing case to hold her murderers accountable. Benício
denounces the slow resolution of the case and the State’s established
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corruption. Moreover, there are suspicions of spurious alliances between police 26
officers and the suspects, with evidence of connections between the suspects
and paramilitary groups in Rio, and even with President Bolsonaro’s family. 27
As Franco’s legacy, four Black women deputies who carry on her intersectional
political work were elected to public office: Talíria Petrone, Mônica Francisco,
Dani Monteiro and Renata Souza, all from the leftist PSOL party. Importantly,
Erica Malunguinho, a Black trans woman, was elected to the State Congress in
São Paulo. They were all inspired by Marielle Franco's work. Paradoxically, Black
queer women politicians (and, generally, Black lesbians) continue to answer the
calls to action to protect Black lives. However, as heard from Mônica Francisco,
elected state deputy in Rio, there is still concern about her safety, since not
much can be or is being done to diminish her vulnerability in the parliament.
Therefore, continuing Franco's legacy means still facing the same dangers
Franco did. Franco's lingering unresolved case with revealed connections of
paramilitary groups and state authority helps maintain the vulnerability of the
elected deputies.
Additionally, Anielle Franco, her sister, created the Marielle Franco Institution to
defend her memory and promote access to education and legal counsel for
Black and poor people. Regarding the specific agendas for lesbians/bisexuals,
Franco's efforts have stimulated an increase of events that promote different
levels of sociability and safe spaces through a web of support amongst lesbian
movements/groups. One example is the 2019 extension of the Lesbian Visibility
Day into a Month, particularly centring Black lesbians’ presence and discourses,
with several events happening inside the favelas. Internationally, we have seen
movements and conferences happening in remembrance of her. A street in
Lisbon and a suspended garden in Paris have been approved to carry her
name. Similar to Audre Lorde's legacy, Franco inspired transnational Black 28
lesbian feminist memorialisation across the globe. 29
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S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
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68
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https://portalseer.ufba.br/index.php/cadgendiv
http://et.al
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/18/marielle-franco-brazil-favelas-mourn-death-champion
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/18/marielle-franco-brazil-favelas-mourn-death-champion
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https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252
S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
Werneck, J. 2006. Black Women's Health: Our Steps Come From Far Away. Rio de Janeiro: Pallas.
Interviews
Pedro Miranda, Campaign assessor, February 10th, 2019.
Head of legal Plenary of Marielle Franco’s cabinet, February 13th, 2019.
Michele Seixas, ABL – Brazilian Lesbian Articulation, February 16th, 2019.
Vanessa Leite, Brazilian researcher on gender and sexuality, February 20th, 2019.
Camila Marins, Lesbian Front of Rio de Janeiro, Brejeiras Magazine, February 21st, 2019.
Video Material
Franco, M. Speech in the Lesbian Visibility Day at Council.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kzNM2IAiEOU.
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Transnational feminist scholarship is considered: 1) an extension of women of colour feminism and activism 1
in that it is a mode of critique of whiteness and US centrism within dominant feminist scholarship and
activism; 2) a theoretical and methodological approach to feminist analysis that emphasises historical
context, politics of location or standpoint, geopolitics, and intersections of oppressions on behalf of
patriarchy, empire, colonialism and globalised capitalism; and 3) a form of feminist praxis in research,
writing, and activism that centres collaboration across difference (Glover 2014).
Cachoeira is recognised as a Black city, historical home to Ameri-Indigenous populations, ports for slave-2
trading, the war of Independence of Bahia, the sugarcane production, and past-in-present site of
Candomblé houses, the oldest Catholic sisterhood of Black women in the world, and Samba; The
Decolonial Black Feminism Institute is an educational institute organised to bring diasporic, Black,
decolonial, and transnational feminist schools of thought together in a curriculum to discuss social justice
issues plaguing Black women. For more, see: http://www.dialogoglobal.com/bahia/
Glover, Tay. 2018. “Grammars of Blackness: Dialogics of Black Female Flesh, Black Lesbian Symbolic 3
Annihilation, and Mutable Gender.” Paper presented at ‘TRANS(form)ing Queer,’ the Eleventh Annual DC
Queer Studies Symposium. University of Maryland, College Park; “Exploring Black Lesbian Symbolic
Annihilation.” Paper presented at Lesbian Lives Conference 2019. University of Brighton, England.
Meireles, Flavia. 2019. “The Political Life of Marielle Franco.” Paper presented at Lesbian Lives Conference 4
2019, Brighton, UK, at Transnational Queerness 2019, at McGill University, Montreal, Canada, and at UDELAR
University of Montevideo 2019, Uruguay.
“Late-modern colonial occupation that differs in many ways from early-modern occupation, particularly 5
in its’ combining of the disciplinary, the biopolitical, and the necropolitical” (Mbembe, 27). In this digital
age and neo-colonial world order of global white supremacy and antiblack domination, necropower is an
analytical expansion of biopower- the Foucauldian term for the use of sociopolitical power to control
people's right to life and qualities of life. Necropolitics describes colonialists’ right to kill, and create
necropolitical power structures that determine one’s relationship to death and what Achille Mbembe terms
“death worlds” – new and unique forms of social existence in which populations are subjected to
conditions of life like particular forms of physical, social and civic death, enslavement that make them the
living dead, thus experiencing life-in-death.
Glover, Tay. 2018 Decolonizing Demonic Grounds: Black Queer Lesbian and Femme Unbelonging in 6
Diaspora. PhD diss., Evanston, IL: Northwestern University.
7 Gilroy, Paul. 1993. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Gilroy, Paul. 1993. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Cambridge, MA: Harvard 7
University Press.
Jurema Pinto Werneck is a Black feminist, physician, writer who holds a PhD in Communication and 8
Culture at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. Activist in the Brazilian Black women's movement and in
Human Rights, she assumed the Executive Board of Amnesty International Brazil in February 2017. In 2006,
she published the book “Black Women's Health: Our Steps Come From Far Away.” https://anistia.org.br/
noticias/anistia-internacional-brasil-anuncia-nova-diretora-executiva/
Meireles, Flavia. 2020. Social Movements and Artistic Contexts: Struggle for Bodies and Land at Neoliberal 9
Capitalism in Brazil. PhD diss., Department of Communication and Culture at Federal University of Rio de
Janeiro.
Reference: Revista IHU On-Line do Instituto Humanitas Unisinos – IHU – Universidade do Vale do Rio dos 10
Sinos – Unisinos. https://pt.scribd.com/doc/217871719/UBUNTU-EU-SOU-PORQUE-NOS-SOMOS.
70
https://anistia.org.br/noticias/anistia-internacional-brasil-anuncia-nova-diretora-executiva/
https://anistia.org.br/noticias/anistia-internacional-brasil-anuncia-nova-diretora-executiva/
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/bahia/
S. Tay Glover, Flavia Meireles: Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory
of The Political Life of Marielle Franco
In the original: "uma gênese dos estudos interseccionais pode ser encontrada em teóricas entendidas e 11
autocompreendidas como mulheres negras e mulheres de cor, tentando criar não apenas um conceito,
mas análises que dessem conta das múltiplas opressões que atravessam diferentes experiências" (Lima
2018).
Moraga, C. and G. Anzaldúa. eds. 1981. This Bridge Called my Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. 12
London: Persephone Press.
Known as white-washing projects (embranquecimento), governmental policies throughout the 13
nineteenth-century were executed in order to erase Black and indigenous people, genealogies and land.
One of the measures was the Land Law (Lei de Terras 1850) that facilitated immigrant occupation of
indigenous lands through marriage to indigenous people. Another measure was facilitating the immigration
of European people to work in rural and urban areas. Referring specifically to Black people, there were no
state measures to absorb this population after abolition.
For one recent effort in documenting the LGBT movements in Brazil see Green, James L., Márcio 14
Caetano, Marisa Fernandes and Renan Quinalha. eds. 2018. História do Movimento LGBT no Brasil. São
Paulo: Editora Alameda.
Meireles, Flavia. 2019. Contemporary Feminisms in Brazil. Paper presented at the venue called Study Night 15
group at Sense Labs, at Lünenburg University, Germany, under organisation of Prof. Dr. Christoph Brunner.
Meireles, Flavia. 2019. The Political Life of Marielle Franco. Paper presented at Lesbian Lives Conference 16
2019 (Brighton, UK), at Transnational Queerness 2019" at McGill University, Montreal, Canada, and at
UDELAR University of Montevideo 2019, Uruguay.
Honour Chiquinha Gonzaga is a title given by the Council City to distinguished women on democratic, 17
humanitarian, artistic and cultural fields in all levels (municipality, state, federal instances). Fonte: http://
www.camara.rj.gov.br/homenagens.php?m1=homenagens; E.N.: Composer, instrumentalist, conductor,
abolitionist from Rio de Janeiro, (1847 - 1935). Greatest black female personality in the history of Brazilian
popular music and one of the greatest expressions of the struggle for freedom in the country, promoter of
musical nationalization, first conductor, author of the first carnival song, first choro pianist, presenter of
popular music in the elegant halls, founder of the first copyright protection society.
E.N.: 25 July is officially the Day of Thereza de Benguela and Black Women's Day in Brazil. Tereza de 18
Banguela was a leader of Quilombo de Quariterê [Quariterê maroon society] in the state of Mato Grosso.
Quilombo de Quariterê existed from 1730 to 1795, and Benguela's leadership was in force until 1770, when
she was arrested and killed by the State.
Glover, S. Tay. 2017. “Black Lesbians—Who Will Fight for Our Lives but Us?”: Navigating Power, Belonging, 19
Labor, Resistance, and Graduate Student Survival in the Ivory Tower. Feminist Teacher 27 (2-3): 157-175.
E.N.: favelada could be translated to: from a slum or from the hood.20
Can be seen at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kzNM2IAiEOU.21
On March 21st 1960, South African police opened fire and killed 69 people at a peaceful demonstration 22
in Sharpeville, against the apartheid laws, a kind of internal passport that regulated circulation in the
country. The city of Sharpeville was selected by President Nelson Mandela for signing the constitution of
South Africa, in 1996.
See: Haritaworn, J., A. Kuntsman and S. Posocco. eds. 2014. Queer Necropolitics. Routledge; Riley, 23
Snorton C., Jin Haritaworn, Aren Aizura and Susan Stryker. 2013. “Trans Necropolitics: A Transnational
Reflection on Violence, Death, and the Trans of Color Afterlife.” Transgender Studies Reader: 66-76; Smith,
C. A. 2016. “Facing the Dragon: Black Mothering, Sequelae, and Gendered Necropolitics in the Americas.”
Transforming Anthropology 24 (1): 31-48.
71
http://www.camara.rj.gov.br/homenagens.php?m1=homenagens
http://www.camara.rj.gov.br/homenagens.php?m1=homenagens
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kzNM2IAiEOU
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharpeville_Massacre
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp UWI IGDS CRGS Issue 14 ISSN 1995-1108
Philips, Dom. 2018. “Marielle Franco: Brazil’s Favelas Mourn the Death of a Champion.” The Guardian. 24
March 17. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/18/marielle-franco-Brazil-favelas-mourn-death-
champion
Article "Judge Turns Defendant under Slandant against Marielle." https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/25
desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252.
Article "State Refusal for Federal Level Investigations has Opposition from Moro." https://brasil.elpais.com/26
brasil/2020-02-11/federalizacao-do-caso-marielle-franco-tem-oposicao-de-moro-e-segue-indefinida-no-
stj.html.
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-09/suspeito-de-envolvimento-no-assassinato-de-marielle-e-morto-27
em-operacao-policial.html.
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/marielle-franco-sera-homenageada-com-nome-de-rua-em-28
lisboa-23835848 and https://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2019/04/21/marielle-franco-vai-virar-nome-de-
jardim-em-paris.ghtml.
Bolaki, S. and S. Broeck. 2015. Audre Lorde's Transnational Legacies. Amherst, MA: University of 29
Massachusetts Press.
72
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/18/marielle-franco-brazil-favelas-mourn-death-champion
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/18/marielle-franco-brazil-favelas-mourn-death-champion
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/desembargadora-do-rio-vira-re-por-calunia-contra-marielle-23861252
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/marielle-franco-sera-homenageada-com-nome-de-rua-em-lisboa-23835848
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/marielle-franco-sera-homenageada-com-nome-de-rua-em-lisboa-23835848
https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/marielle-franco-sera-homenageada-com-nome-de-rua-em-lisboa-23835848
https://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2019/04/21/marielle-franco-vai-virar-nome-de-jardim-em-paris.ghtml
https://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2019/04/21/marielle-franco-vai-virar-nome-de-jardim-em-paris.ghtml
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-09/suspeito-de-envolvimento-no-assassinato-de-marielle-e-morto-em-operacao-policial.html
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-09/suspeito-de-envolvimento-no-assassinato-de-marielle-e-morto-em-operacao-policial.html
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-09/suspeito-de-envolvimento-no-assassinato-de-marielle-e-morto-em-operacao-policial.html
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-11/federalizacao-do
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-11/federalizacao-do
https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-02-11/federalizacao-do
Norma Guilliard Limonta: Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations
of Afro-descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba
Lesbian Resistances: Social
Representations of Afro-descendent
Lesbian Women in Cuba
Norma Rita Guillard Limonta
Psychologist, Afro-feminist, Communicator
Member of the Cuban Society of Psychology
Translation from Spanish
Tito Mitjans Alayón
73
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TitoMitjansAlayon.asp
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Spanish by Tito Mitjans Alayón
Abstract
This study is an approach to the subject of Afro-descendant lesbians who have
had to rescue history and to reinvent themselves within the potentialities that
characterize the group such as resistance to difficulties. For this they have
resorted to, among other strengths, arming themselves with the energies
inherited from their grandmothers, ancestors who never let themselves be
overcome, no matter how difficult the period. They always found a strategy to
resist their harsh and historical realities, slavery being a principal example. The
stereotyped thinking, internal and external, still imposed on many of these
women, causes them to suffer multiple discriminations - as women, as lesbians,
as Black and, in some cases, as transgender, and inhibits the practical
expression of the true sorority which characterizes them. The advantage of this
resistance, as noted by Michel Foucault, is that it is as inventive, it is as mobile
and productive as power. It seeks ways of organizing to resist the effects of
power, to not let oneself be dominated, going to the forefront at any cost,
expanding and sharing creative ideas, leaving behind that domain of erased
subjects and establishing dialogues of understanding with the alter ego. Using
their voice with or without music.
Keywords: Resistance, Representation, Intersectionality, Afro-feminism.
How to cite
Limonta, Norma Rita Guilliard. 2020, “Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations of Afro-
descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 73–96
74
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
Norma Guilliard Limonta: Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations
of Afro-descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba
“Knowing yourself as black is living the experience of having
been massacred in your identity, confused in your expectations,
subjected to demands, compelled to alienated expectations.
But it is also, and above all, the experience of committing
yourself to rescuing your history and recreating your potential.”
Neusa Santos Souza 1
Introduction
Leafing through the pages of Alice Walker’s book Searching for the
Gardens of Our Mothers (1974) in which she makes a beautiful reflection
on Black women in the southern United States, including her mother,
evoked my own memories of the stories of my two grandmothers.
Both were matriarchs, my paternal grandmother with 11 children and nine
for my maternal grandmother. They were single mothers, seeing how
much they have in common in their gardens, having known how to resist
in the harsh reality of their time as well as each having developed
experiences with their ancestors for many years. Both were spiritualists and
showed that internal strength where the basic example of resistance
could be put into practice, facing the experiences of colonial power
along with what the patriarchy carries.
Alice W. (1974), in her book, establishes a conversation inspired by the
words of Zora Neale Hurston, noting that Black women are called "the
mule of the world," explaining that “we have been handed the burdens
that everyone else - everyone else - refused to carry. They have called us
‘Matriarchs,’ ‘Superwomen,’ and ‘Bad and Evil Bitches,’ not to mention
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‘Castraters’ and ‘Sapphire’s Mama’.” (1974) The qualifiers have been
many, and in reality represent the sacrifices made and disqualifications
suffered for confronting patriarchy.
Later, reading the article by Jurema Werneck "Our steps come from far
away" (2000) regarding the political strategies employed against sexism
and racism developed within Black women's movements, we find the
need to go even beyond that garden of our grandmothers, our ancestors.
Thinking is guided towards the need for an intersectional analysis, as a
result of being a woman, a Black woman and poor.
Jurema W. (2000) suggests that we go back to traditions, to the sacred
myths of the African diaspora, where we can find female figures who
“throughout history acted and continue to act as role models, as guides
of identity’s possibilities for the creation and recreation of different forms
of black femininity”… traditions that in the 70s returned as organizing
ideas-forces of the different factions of the anti-racist movement and
mainly, the feminist anti-racism of Black women and their organizations.
In both references, these renowned Black feminists call upon us to review
our history, to achieve representation or symbols, models that give us
guidance and strength, that promote visibility and the image of
recognition Black women need to expose the historical memory of slavery
and colonization. As such, we must continue working intensively on
recovering the memories of Black women who have remained invisible in
our history for so long, and in this way, helping and guiding new
generations, particularly in the case of Black women, who with that
knowledge can revolutionize and liberate their representation in the social
imaginary from the colonial mentality that has historically and incessantly
humiliated us.
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If recognizing our Black women as a mission of identity has been difficult,
and even more so when they are Black as well as lesbians or free thinkers
in their behaviour, how are the visibilised in this globalized world? As more
stories of Black women in our history are unveiled, we will be better able to
reveal the history of repression that lesbian women have endured.
In approaching the lesbian theme, Afro-descendants have had to rescue
their relationship with the concrete historical events of colonization and
slavery and seek to recreate it in the potentialities that they characterize
as the resistances to difficulties. Their participation in the independence
struggles and in the constitution of Cuban nationality must be rescued
from our history.
As another lesbian Afro-feminist, Ochy Curiel (2011), often highlights: it is
not only about decolonization of knowledge, but of the experience itself
in the face of power and domination. [1]
There is still more work to be done on the subjectivity of women, lesbian or
not, to show that we have been intransigent in addressing the issues of
exclusion, something which inhibits the practical expression of true and
necessary sorority that should characterize us, since the subjectivity of
many of us has been impacted by the reinforcement of slavery and the
psychological complexes of mental colonialism, which have both been
built from power and culture, subsequently leading to stereotypical
thinking, for white and Black folks both, in which white is seen as superior.
As a consequence, we suffer from various forms of discrimination: as
women, as Black and as lesbian.
Additionally, when some lesbians desire to present as butch or masculine,
it adds another form of oppression and discrimination because they are
typically rejected by men and/or other lesbian women.
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The advantage is that resistance implies creativity; it is so inventive, so
mobile and productive as power, that it seeks ways of organizing to resist
the effects of power and not letting itself be dominated by coming out in
front with different ways of self-representations. That being said, one can,
on occasion, fall into violence as a defence.
In this work, we can see some examples of the realities faced in the
growing globalization of this world, to get out of the domain of being
erased subjects and establish dialogues of understanding with the alter
ego.
The representation of Black Cuban lesbians in a globalized world
In addressing the subject of Black women, it brings with it the presence of
Black Feminism in Cuba and carries within it the acknowledgment of
successes from long struggles. One of these is a story written by Leyda
Oquendo Barrios; this work focuses on Mariana Grajales, recognized
today in Cuba as the Mother of the Country, a title well deserved. Barrios
makes sure Mariana is known on her own terms and not just an identity in
relation to her sons, who were fighters in the War of Independence in
Cuba. Thus, Black women are already given visibility and an example,
which helps with empowerment and cultivates identity pride. 2
Likewise, it is worth acknowledging the efforts of the writer and historian
Inés María Martiatu Terry who, despite her illness, also continued the battle
to make visible and recognize the history of resistance of Cuban Black
women. 3
It is a pity that neither Leyda nor Lalita could see the transformation of
their struggle into its current achievements. However, their presence is still
evident in different events along with the work of Daysi Rubiera Castillo
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that continued the “Afrocubanas Project.” Georgina Herrera Cárdenas’
work also continues to be a presence and influenced the new Black
generations, as does her poetry book Oriki for Georgina (2017). 4
The book Emerging from Silence. Black Women in History, recently
compiled by Oilda Hevia Lanier and Daisy Rubiera Castillo (2016), is yet
another example providing representation of hidden stories of women
who owned enslaved people in Colonial Havana. It shows how
prostitution was a strategy of freedom in the nineteenth century, the
difficulty of accessing education as a woman, stories of Black women
used as intermediaries in the colonial economy, their actual role in the
war of independence and making visible the history of the first Black
delegate in the republic. This is a feminine discourse of vindication from
the years before the Cuban revolution, which allows new generations and
those who still lack that necessary conscience to understand and feel
pride in their identities.
These materials and the now more frequent debates in various spaces are
already encouraging the necessary shifts within the Black population
interested in these issues. It also of course includes Afro-descendant
lesbian women, despite that on this topic there is still not much
bibliography.
This makes clear the need to resort to examples showing how another
form of representation is beginning: moving us from unauthorized subjects,
populations erased from the popular imaginary to the search for
recognition and respect with all the diverse practices human beings
express.
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Three sources of representation
Las Krudas, Logbona y Oremi.
Taking advantage of the words of the experienced feminist Marcela
Lagarde (1990) who states that “being human” means having as a
possibility a diversity of experiences and the inclusion of women as
subjects in a new humanity and as protagonists of our own lives … In
conditions of equity [2] … thus enriching life, here we will see experiences
of protagonists.
The emergence of the lesbian and Afro-feminist Cuban rappers called
“Las Krudas Cubensi” shows how the use of a cultural manifestation, such
as rap, can break the historical subordination of women by patriarchy.
They shift the social imaginary, breaking the position of subaltern identity
and building respect for difference through their lyrics. 5
They faced and named social inequalities through hip-hop, full of strength
to fight for the rights of their racial identities. Their work was not easy for
many people to digest, not even for other lesbians. They suffered bullying
and rejection, but they persisted, resisted, and are succeeding. Their ideas
were too emancipatory for conservative thought. They recognize that
they come out of that rebellion of the Cuban people, but are interested in
a wider liberation.
It was an intense battle they had to fight; because of the lack of women
in the rap industry, machismo and patriarchy prevail. In addition to this,
their discourse and music were fresh and critical, and the fact that they
were lesbians and Afro-descendants complicated the battle they had to
face as they looked for ways to interrupt mental colonization.
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Starting in 1996, Krudes Cubensi sought the blessings of their ancestral
generations in order to defend their work. Their unusual lyrics got out into
the streets, thrilled critical and conscious minds and set an important
precedent. Despite not living in Cuba anymore, they are a frequent and
evident presence. In their lyrics, they continue to name the experiences of
fighting against discrimination as Afro-Cuban immigrants and its
consequences.
Looking at the history of their work, it is evident that this resistance towards
mental colonialism is inherited from their Afro-descendant women
ancestors. Their themes touch on lessons, which emerged without fear.
They communicate in direct, open, and hard language, which summons
the growth and self-esteem of Black women. It touches both the
psychological and the emotional and cultivates racial pride. They show
that it is possible to decolonize your mind and contribute to the
construction of representation through songs for Black and non-Black
women. (Table 1)
From the beginning, their songs addressed topics such as the meaning of
menstruation in women as a form of resistance, exercising their power. In
this way, they called for the raising of self-esteem of women and in turn
confronting the macho texts used by male hip-hop groups at that stage.
To show that women also have their strength and power, Krudas Cubensi
called them ebony warriors and urged them to recognize themselves as
beautiful even with their bembas and their black skin. Knowing that the
fight against patriarchal culture was difficult, they called upon women to
unite to face without fear, a collective fight that also involved the
defence of their racial and sexual identity.
In search of better development and resources for their art, they began a
journey from Russia to Mexico, finally settling in El Paso, Mexico.
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Facing difficult realities in their life as emigrants, they continued to create
lyrics full of strength and added other resistant forces of the globalized
world. Knowing that resistance is inventive, mobile, and productive like
power, they exercise it. It is the force that, contrary to dominance, arises
from its daily exercise and is linked to the breadth of all their musical
experience and knowledge, uniting it to the power of that internal force
to achieve their dream (Foucault 1993).
In their trajectory, they also faced other experiences of discrimination as
migrants. This is how they came to write protest songs that reflect their way
of not letting themselves be defeated, writing and singing songs about
the racism they suffered in Spain and the changes and adjustments that
the migrant identity implies.
They have never stopped singing songs that address the beauty of Black
people and their physique. It has been part of their constant activism to
raise the self-esteem of women, teaching about the importance of self-
recognition and self-worth without being influenced by what others think.
They address issues such as not allowing themselves to continue colonizing
with the idealization of western beauty. They try to be very specific with
goals for their songs, and break into themes that many people find
shocking. However, they remain unconcerned and they keep looking for
modifications, changes in ideas, for growth. Their struggle does not stop,
and although some people evaluate it as countercurrent and irreverent,
they really reach deep every day, finding followers who use their
experiences and grow with their support.
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Their messages
The lesbian Black woman recognizes how much there has been to face
and resist to reach a position that implies transformation. Every time that
Krudas Cubensi make their presentations here in Cuba they have a more
understanding and welcoming audience, they are now able to gather a
wider audience as winners in the fight against social inequality and
discrimination, minds are more open to their truth. As if that were not
enough, they have opened paths for others both inside and outside the
country while maintaining their Cuban identity within the panorama of
that style of music nationally and internationally. Their albums have won
awards in national and international competitions in music festivals such
as Cuba Disco, among others. They have shown that with elements of
resistance you can achieve transformation.
Indicating subjectivities with new forms of social representations.
In conversation with the Cuban historian, then identified in his process of
religious recognition with the Yoruba name, Logbona Olokunee, later
changing when his trans identity brought him to the name Tito Mitjans
Alayón, shows another kind of self-making, and self-representation
regarding to normative gender system.
In moments of proximity and collaboration with “Oremi,” a space opened
for lesbian and bisexual women, promoted by the National Centre for
Sexual Education (CENESEX), Tito showed through his focus as an Afro-
descendant feminist lesbian, as he identified at the time, where it was
possible to debate the few advances the space was making as well as its
official status. He referred to the discomfort of his non-normative
experiences, recognizing himself then as a masculine woman made him
feel that he did not fit in that space, the discomforts of the lack of
understanding of diversity within diversity, the rejection he sometimes
breathed, comments with which we agreed - those were topics that were
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not debated there. From there, ideas of practice emerged in
spontaneous, independent actions with friends that made Tito feel more
related to.
From his role as a university professor, he continued to delve into the
contradictions of the disputed approach to gender, those theories that
reinforce binarism where he still did not feel recognized and began to
better understand ideas of intersectionality, thus contrasting the
difference between affective-sexual and heterosexual relationships with
being a woman, Black, of poor origin, from a marginal neighbourhood
and not heterosexual. His ties to the hip-hop movement and in particular
to representations of Las Krudas deepened and directed his Black
feminism.
Adding to his interests were new approaches to Queer theory (Cuir),
which came closer and closer to the search for what he needed to
represent - a theme that has possibilities to defend in different spaces,
including in the colloquium held at the Christian Centre for Reflection and
Dialogue in Cárdenas where we presented together. A space that makes
it possible to meet different specialists, straight or not, for a more open-
minded and understanding debate.
Although he still did not feel full understanding there in that auditorium,
the fact that the topic could be placed on the discussion table was
compensation.
Undoubtedly, his new self-representation played an important role in
spaces like the hip-hop community in the addressing of queer identities. In
addition to the songs, the open, direct messages, and messages of
resistance of the Krudas energy and disposition to fight played an
essential role, the experiences of that space promoted critical debates on
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raciality, and the vindication of the beauty of Afro-descendant women,
trans and queer people.
One of the lessons that Tito shared was that resistance is an expression of
survival, and along with Black feminist theory he reclaimed more
alternative daily political strategies such as the creation of shared spaces
that promote debate, generate Black queer politics and joy. This was how
“Proyecto Motivito” was with Eduardo Digen and Afibola Sifunola. It
fostered debates on a variety of topics in the LGBTIQ community on a
queer Afro-feminist wavelength. Numerous alliances were made with
other autonomous collectives and projects and they took advantage of
the few institutional spaces that were generating actions against gender
violence such as the national week to "Fight violence against women" on
November 25 and thus introduced intersectional approaches that involve
radicalised queer and trans identities.
Another way of putting auto-representation into practice was the
creation and circulation of the Boletín TUTUTUTU. Made with a small team,
it created a space for the works of other Afro-feminists, making sure to
promote and visibilise their work, their stories, histories, and those of other
queer, trans, and non-binary friends. It made these identities visible and 6
additionally reported on the work and cultural activities of Afro-
descendant entrepreneurs in other countries, resulting in beautiful
alliances, especially among women. After years of being involved with
anti-racist activism, Tito faced other expressions of the structurally racist
system in Mexico among other new discriminations. It is not easy
emotionally but his resistance helps him work towards his dream.
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A Third length of representation
Oremi was a meeting space for lesbian and bisexual women created on
23 December 2005. Many women attended at the beginning but due to
a lack of prior organizing experience or clear goals, it was not able to
achieve stability.
In the beginning, Black people were in the minority. One could argue that
it was stratified based on class as well. Despite its inclusive politics,
inclusivity was not achieved at its first stage. Participation of Black lesbians
was difficult to maintain since there was not a focus on fighting our own
racism or internalized homophobia, never mind centring Black feminism.
As with the first meeting space, there were many ups and downs due to
lack of experience, knowledge, and exclusion. There were many attempts
to shift the space, especially after waiting many years for the creation of
space for debate and the development of lesbian activism, but there
were still stigmas and myths, misunderstanding and discrimination within
the group. People with experience of activism were consulted, but their
contributions were not received well.
Regardless, it prompted many of the group to investigate different paths
in order to defend their truth and create their own representation and self-
representation. Compared with other countries, there were similar
dynamics and similar battles. The feminist approach was incipient,
sometimes radical, and the motivations and expectations of the members
were very diverse though they also wanted to put these into practice. A
network of lesbian groups within Cuba did not exist at that time except for
one group in Santiago de Cuba, one of the eastern provinces of the
country.
After ten years, one can find that the group has achieved stronger
cohesion. Connecting across differences within the group allows us to
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centre respect and recognition of the diversity that characterizes women
and their sexuality. The rights that were not obtained in the past have now
been attained.
OREMI is located within CENESEX in Havana. As part of a national network
of women, today 90% of its members are Afro-descendant. They worked
together with Las Isabelas, the space in Santiago de Cuba where they
were already leading eight groups from the rest of the country. They 7
carry out friendly exchanges and meetings and have national and
international workshops, which switch between different provinces.
Although the groups of Las Isabelas were the first ones to seek their
representation through joint mobilization with the Cuban Women's
Federation, those from Havana broke canons creating their
representation and popular activism with the work of acting with a drag
king show.
That performance of drag had always been in the hands of travestis, trans
women and gay men characterized by femininity and brilliance, which in
its role of gender construction is defined as female. In the OREMI group, as
part of its activities, a peña called “Entre Amigas” or in English, “Between
Friends” was created; this took place in a city cinema in the
neighbourhood of Nuevo Vedado with the support of various cultural
institutions.
In this space, they developed a project where Afro-descendant lesbians
challenged patriarchal power by performing drag, which up until this
point had been an uncommon cultural performance.
Starting and claiming this work of societal acceptance represented by
Afro-descendant lesbian women had seemed impossible to achieve, but
constant work, strength and resistance has been breaking down stigmas,
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demystifying thoughts and opening consciousness, as many of the people
who attend are straight.
With so many experiences exchanged through the aforementioned
emerging diverse spaces, an awareness was created which allowed the
inclusion of the transformism-diversity project, such as cultural centres in
historically heterosexual spaces with the actions created by Argelia
Fellove, “Afrodiverso: Mujeres Afrofeministas” or in English “Afro-diverse:
Afro-feminist Women,”” a cultural project in Mantilla, forming one the most
important spaces for the black queer drag king culture. 8
There are already several cultural and musical centres that enjoy drag
performances of masculinity with respect and without horror. The creation
of each performance space has helped to build understanding, support
and nurture similar work in other locations. It was not an easy job to start,
but it was very powerful and created resistance in the face of difficulties.
Conclusions
As Sueli Carneiro (2001) stated, the examples presented in this text show
how Afro-descendant women have managed in their own ways to
represent a Black feminism based on their experiences and realities.
Although at times it could be interpreted as rebellion, seeking to break out
of the historical norms established by a patriarchal culture, its position of
resistance and defence has paved the way.
It can be seen how the discourses that we are historically accustomed to
receiving are from a heterosexual mentality and therefore become a
form of oppression and domination. Faced with this, it was sought to
achieve a discourse that created its own category, involving the need to
understand diversity and thus touch the subjectivity of the hetero mind,
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which sometimes can be difficult to recognize, name and process. When
in a song Las Krudas says, "I am singing for my different people" it is
particularized, it is taken into account that there are other women, with
other realities. Thus, the contract of the domain of heterosexuality is
broken, showing other representations.
The messages of Las Krudas make evident the liberation that comes with
mental decolonization, when power is confronted, and when Black
women have a close relationship with their histories and ancestries. All of
this can serve as a path towards the representation of the Black and
lesbian Cuban woman.
Despite the long history of the Afro-descendant movement and political
activism in Cuba, perspectives with intersectional understanding which
articulate issues of gender, race, heterosexism and social vulnerability are
more contemporary.
Examples like the book Afrocubanas (2011) shows that the intimate
relationship and connection with their female ancestors: "searching in the
gardens of the grandmothers'' creates representation by trying to touch
and break the subjectivity of colonial thought. Also the cultural project
“The Club of the Espendrú”[9] summons so many young people of different
identities to train and debate and continues today to play a great role in
the transformation of new subjectivities among others, especially youth. 9
The different representations made possible by the different groups allow
an understanding and awareness of the existence of other realities that
Black women live by modifying the narrative of how we were built.
The achievements obtained in the changes of subjectivities with the topic
of lesbian Afro-feminism have not been the result of an articulated
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political or scientific proposal, but is due to daily resistance paving the
way.
Although different spaces defend this issue, it is still necessary to work on
this and other issues in alliance, achieve comprehension and synergy with
the different groups, spaces and projects that work towards a Black
feminist approach and which work to get the support of social centres.
The consciousness-raising role of hip-hop and drag is recognised as a
strategy to mark subjectivities that are influencing other groups and
demonstrate continuity.
Although two of the three representative sources are not affiliated with
official organizations, they also do not have issues with each other or with
the named institutions.
In each source evaluated, strategies and paths have been observed to
understand their purposes. Las Krudas no longer live in Cuba and that is a
challenge. Tito Mitjans has also left Cuba and now lives in Chiapas,
Mexico. Negotiating immigration has a cost, but what they learn they
always share with their country in one way or another.
The three sources have in common the implementation of not having any
fear of facing new and difficult situations since they have that inherited
ancestral strength which allows them to be resistant to all oppression.
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———. 2003. “Identidades de Género y Derechos Humanos.” In Teología y Género.
Selección de Textos. La Habana, Cuba: Editorial Caminos.
———. 2005. Cuadernos Inacabados Para mis Socias de la Vida: Claves Feministas para
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Lemos, Rosália. 2000. “A Face Negra do Feminismo: Problemas e Perspectivas.” In O Livro
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México, DF: UNAM.
Lorde, Audre. 1997. The Collected Poems of Audre Lorde. New York: W.W. Norton.
———. 2002. La Hermana, la Extranjera. Translated by María Corniero Fernández. Editorial
Horas y Horas.
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Habana, Cuba: Premio Casa de las Américas.
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Pensamiento y Prácticas Culturales. La Habana, Cuba: Editorial Ciencias Sociales.
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Saunders, Tanya L. 2015. Cuban Underground HIP HOP. Black Thoughts, Black Revolution,
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Sau Victoria. 2000. Reflexiones Feministas para Principios de Siglo. Madrid, España: Horas
y Horas.
Senghor, Albin. 2009. Panteras Negras. Es la Revolución, Baby! www.info.no50.org/
Panteras-negras.es-la-rev/febero 2009
Valera, Nuria. 2005. Feminismos para Principiantes. Barcelona, España: Ediciones B.
Wittig, Monique. 1998. La Marca del Género. México, DF: La Jornada.
Walker, Alice. 1985. El Color Púrpura. New York: Pocket Books.
———. 1988. “El Cabello Oprimido es un Techo para el Cerebro.” In Viviendo para la
Palabra. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Rocco.
———. 2005. In Search of our Mother´s Gardens. The Creativity of Black Women in the
South. Phoenix: Orion Books.
Werneck, Jurema, Maisa Mendonca and Evelyn C. White, (eds.) 2000. O Livro de Saúde
das Mulheres Negras: Nossos Passos Vêm de Longe. Rio de Janeiro: Pallas/Criola.
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krudascubensi.blogspot.com
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http://www.info.no50.org/Panteras-negras.es-la-rev/febero
Norma Guilliard Limonta: Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations
of Afro-descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba
Annex:
Table 1
Excerpts of Krudas Cubensi first artistic period. [3]
In their beginnings, Krudas Cubensi talked about the awareness and recognition
of what menstruation means for each woman in their songs, totally contested
for that time, 1995. One of the most significant says “120 red hours each month…
blood from within…Krudas Revolution manifestation…girls raise your self-esteem”
(Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Cubensi Hip Hop) (2003, 120 Horas Rojas)
- “No being an object of valorisation… You are beautiful as you
are; ebony in bloom…intelligence is your virtue” (Odaymar
Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop,
2003)
- “Ebony’s warriors the time to break the chains has
come” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD:
Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “I am my hair, I am religion, I am the proud of my mouth,
black kruda” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella,
CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “ O u r f i g h t i s c o l l e c t i v e … w e a r e m o r e t h a n a
movement”(Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD:
Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “I am still here with feminist point of view.. Ifà is our
right”(Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD:
Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “Hip Hop will be our protector and elf…we are 100 female
horses for your intellect” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes,
Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “It is our identity that we are fighting for…”(Odaymar Cuesta
y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
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Table 2.
Fragments of Krudas Cubensi songs in their new artistic phase (Odaymar
Cuesta y Olivie Prendes: “No me dejaron entrar”, CD Krudas Compilación,
Austin 2009.)
- “They don't let me enter Spain….they said that Cuba is a bad
trick”
- “Travel is a challenge of change…they have the right to
migrate”
- “Loving everyone you like will never be illegal”
- “We don't need you Machismo…liberation for all”
- “Women in resistance… Krudas are here now to change your
life”
Table 3.
Fragments of songs with self-esteem thematic autoestima (Odaymar
Cuesta, “Gorda", 2008, Quilombo Radio: Progreso Rythms 1)
- “I got a lot of flesh…more than 40 on my waist, …the fat
woman is here…”
- “why consume colonized bodies”
- “I am resisting as fat, as black, as warrior”
- “Crazy because the lyrics express without concern what
people talk about”
- “Crazy…Loose and single women”
- I am singing for my different people
- I am the only queen and my crown is to change ideas
- Here we are…maybe in solitude we are wasting ourselves
- And our words are going away or maybe just on some and
other memories remain
- And some other attitude has been showing and here we are
breathing
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Norma Guilliard Limonta: Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations
of Afro-descendent Lesbian Women in Cuba
Neusa Santos Souza: Tornar-se Negro. Río de Janeiro. Ediciones Graal, 1983, p. 23.1
Dr. Leyda Oquendo Barrios. Cuban anthropologist, journalist, historian and Africanist. (June 25, 1941-2008) 2
She dedicated great efforts to visibilise the role of the Maceo Grajales family and in particular to Major
General Antonio Maceo Grajales and his mother Mariana Grajales Coello. Oquendo Barrios spread the
history and development of African countries, above all focusing on the work on the African presence in
Cuba and particularly in the processes of slave resistance and Maroon, thus showing the research in history
and ancestors and their resistance models.
Inés María Martiatu, (Lalita) Cuban Theatrer Researcher, Writer, and Narrator. Initiator of Cuban Afro-3
feminism. (1942 -2013) With Daisy Rubiera she produced the anthology Afrocubanas: History,Thoughts, and
Cultural Practices. She has published a number works always addressing the need to make feminine and
Afro-descendant issues visible. In these publications there is always reference to the need for work that will
enrich the pride of the Afro-descendant people, and for this, it uses anecdotes as well as leading to a
history of resistance.
Daysi Rubiera Castillo. Cuban writer, historian, and researcher. Author of the testimonies of Black women. 4
Her best-known book: Reyita, Sencillamente, referring to the story of her mother Maria de los Reyes Castillo,
is the testimony of a nonagenarian Black woman. Another important work is the compilation Afrocubanas.
Also coordinates debate space also called Afrocubanas. 15 June 1939. Looking for exemplary stories to
show the different conflicts and difficulties experienced by a group that is not very visible or recognized by
racial discrimination, it is based on the sad experiences of her nonagenarian mother and her own, which
she completes in the uprisings of women's stories alike. Also taking up the resources of power and strength
to confront and resist them; Georgina Herrera Cárdenas. Afro-cuban poet. Writer of radio novels and short
stories, including dramas and scripts for radio, theatre and television. Her poetry focuses on Afro-cuban
culture. She has published more than six books. Outstanding poet of the Cuban twentieth century. Born on
April 23, 1936 of humble origin, she leaves a province to resist the onslaught of a hard life alone in Havana
and becomes the poet of today where in all her work you can see how much she had to face to resist and
even overcome today. Tearing his skin opens his heart and you learn in his works the strength that his
ancestors have inspired him.
Krudas Cubensi, also known as Las Krudas, is an Afro-feminist vegan hip-hop group. With their music and 5
activism they confront normative heterosexuality with the tools of Black feminism. They are a symbol of the
Cuban LGBTIQ community, defenders of those rights and social causes that dignify women, queer, and
trans people. They recognize themselves as queer feminists and advocates of vegan, healthy, Krudas food.
See more information: Saunders, T. L. (2015). Cuban Underground Hip-hop: Black Thoughts, Black
Revolution, Black Modernity. University of Texas.
Boletin TUTUTUTU was a Afro-feminist queer fanzine. Organized by Afibola Sifunola and Tito Mitjans from 6
2015 to 2016. Despite it short life, this zine centred the work, poetry, and ideas of black trans and cis women
and the Afro-cuban queer community. More information: https://www.facebook.com/boletintutututu/
National Centre for Sex Education (CENESEX) is a governmental centre with programmes on the defence 7
of sexual rights. It has the support of a group of specialists that make up the Cuban Multidisciplinary Society
for the Study of Sexuality (SOCUMES) and from this the Sexual Diversity Section is born with a network that
groups all the spaces that defend the rights of the LGBTQI community in the country.
“Argelia Fellove es una dura.”
8
https://www.tremendanota.com/argelia-fellove-activista-transformista-es-una-dura/
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Club del Espendrú is a socio-cultural project created by the rappers and activists Magia Lopez and 9
Alexey Rodriguez in 2008. From 2016 they acquired more overseas participation from other activists and
intellectuals such as Roberto Surbano and Aracely Rodriguez. This project has a deeply positive impact on
the Afro-Cuban communities of Havana. More information:
https://www.facebook.com/elclubdelespendru/posts/591434018142956?__tn__=K-R,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q0w_MJOll1E
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https://www.facebook.com/elclubdelespendru/posts/591434018142956?__tn__=K-R
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q0w_MJOll1E
https://www
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Aline Dias dos Santos: Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths:
Notes of a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina
Existence Narratives and the Small
Everyday Deaths: Notes of a Black
Sapatão in Santa Catarina 1
Aline Dias dos Santos
Ph.D. Candidate in History
Federal University of Santa Catarina, Brazil
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Jess Oliveira
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Jess Oliveira
Abstract
This article presents reflections on the lesbophobia aimed at the bodies of
sapatonas in academia, and how these aggressions occur similarly in different
hierarchical spaces. It also discusses the bathroom paradigm as a gender
barrier, as the white gaze regime which operates as a locus of structural
advantage, imprisoning and eliminating bodies considered unsuitable for the
male-female, white-black binary scheme. I aim to insert trajectories of black
sapatonas from the south of Brazil in the field of discussions in order to destabilize
the official narrative that popularises this territory as a legitimate European
colony: white and heterosexual.
Keywords: sapatão, black lesbians, coloniality, sexuality, whiteness.
How to cite
Dias dos Santos, Aline. 2020, “Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths: Notes of a
Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 97–110
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Aline Dias dos Santos: Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths:
Notes of a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina
I write this paper to speak out about scenes that have happened to a black
body. A woman's body that produces narratives even before the historical
negation of its existence and freedom of being. Black sapatonas exist in
knowledge spaces and have their traces/trajectories constantly erased from
those places. This text is a manifesto about the place reserved to black
sapatonas in bodies and in alliance processes that have been trying to rise in
Brazil. To make alliances possible, it is necessary to name the bodies 2
abandoned to precarity, the ones that need support. Thus, supporting black
lesbians within social and political genocidal contexts must be a priority in the
realm of social struggles. 3
Body
Political body
Colonial body
Due to the implementation of affirmative actions in public universities, Brazil has
been introduced to a new group of undergraduate and graduate students:
black students became an expressive number in the student body and yet,
facing the lack of public policies, they have been occupying and building
academic spaces while still facing structural and epistemic racism. I stand 4
among the results of those affirmative actions and part of the less than 15% of
black women in graduate programmes in the country. The academy is the 5
place where I spend an important part of my time and I claim this space as
mine in the process of thinking a new world.
It was the beginning of the semester, I picked a nice striped polo shirt, a pair of
jeans and a pair of sneakers. I went to the barber shop to have my sidelines
shaved and to reduce the volume of my afro. On my cell phone, my girlfriend
calmed me: “don’t worry, my love. Everything will work out fine. This place is
yours.” I prepared my body, I was tense! In addition to being an academic
black woman, I am a visible lesbian, here I am called apatão. At the university, I
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look from side to side and hardly see other visible black sapatão women. This
fact gives me the impression that we do not exist. 6
Invisibility increases the sensation of unsuitability, making it evident that there is a
“wrong way of existing,” leading non-feminine women into permanent anxiety,
since we have to search for strategies to exist outside femininity patterns while
trying to escape violence in case we are mistaken for and treated as men. At 7
the same time, we struggle internally with the idea that there is a right way of
existing. That is to say, black sapatonas, must deal daily with the aches and
pains caused by racism and sexism. We need to take a deep breath and tell
ourselves that our way of existing is not wrong.
During the students’ introduction on the first semester meeting, I screamed the
markers of difference between my body and the other bodies in the classroom,
compelling my colleagues to think: “Black, sapatão, admitted under affirmative
action’s criteria and a PhD student, what kind of body is that? I breathed
peacefully when my gaze met and connected with Jefferson, Jorge and
Flávia’s looks. They were other sexual dissident black people in the classroom.
Jefferson identified himself as a black gay man, Jorge as a bicha afeminada
and Flavia was coming out as sapatão or bisexual – I am not sure which,
announcing the breach with the heteronormative contract that forces lesbian
and gay bodies to hide under a universalist performance. 8
Generally, gender and race in Brazil are structural axes of inequality and
patterns of social exclusion. Specifically, the State of Santa Catarina is one of
the places in the country known for not having black people. The truth is that, in
these lands, there is a legend forged by colonialism, validated by historiography,
and massified by the media. According to this legend, it is believed that
southern Brazil is some kind of Brazilian Europe, a colonized region thought by
and structured only by European descendants. In this colonial fairy tale,
indigenous and black people are the intruders. People who believe in this
colonial legend make southern Brazil an especially difficult region for black
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Aline Dias dos Santos: Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths:
Notes of a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina
people to live in. We are here, but daily we are expelled. They expel us in a 9
symbolic way, through local TV advertisements with only white characters,
exalting the cities with greater influences of German and Italian cultures, and
they exclude us directly, by denying us service in their establishments, for
instance. I could keep going on and on in detailing all the forms of exclusion
used by the “Brazilian Europe” to exterminate black people from their past and
present history.
Here, the constitutive parts of my being – black sapatão woman – as well as my
status as a PhD student, are seen as stigmas by this society and subjected to
different forms of domination and discrimination. The common stereotype 10
associated with black women is that we are aggressive. Sapatonas, in general,
carry the stigma of being violent. Within this colonial imaginary, as black
sapatonas, even when we stay silent, we are already wrong. In this sense, the
silencing endured by a black body occupying a white prestige’s space is huge.
At the university, they see us as a threat, and not as historical subjects who need
to gaze critically upon the narratives that are being constructed and discussed.
Almost always, silencing leads to political demobilization. Usually, in academic
spaces, black experiences are only possible from a white heterosexual
perspective which silences and whitewashes us so they can use our black and
sapatão bodies as symbols of inclusion. So, when it is no longer interesting for
their purposes, they put us back in that place of silence and loneliness.
Whiteness organizes itself by maintaining these and other violent stereotypes to
ensure a systematic practice of silencing.
Separating bodies – Part I
Scene 1: I, a fat, black sapatão, together with two colleagues: a straight, cis,
thin woman and Jorge, a self-identified bicha afeminada, decided to go to the
toilet before our class began. We were happy because we had just started our
graduate courses. On the floor where we were, there was just a male toilet. To
be quick, we decided to use this male toilet. After all, almost nobody has access
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to this floor. I stood in front of the door, while my colleagues used the toilet. The
seconds they were coming out of the bathroom were enough to separate our
bodies and mark them as unsuitable. I looked in the direction of the stairs in front
of the bathroom and I noticed a young woman coming down. She was white
and fit the hegemonic standards, which means she was thin and dressed
according to what Brazil’s hegemonic culture understands a woman should
wear. Her look showed despair as she stared at my white colleague coming out
of the bathroom. When the latter returned the look, the woman from the stairs
approached me, as I was by the door. She looked at me from top to bottom,
with disdain in her eyes. Soon after, she also noticed Jorge. Then, she looked at
my white colleague and said with a hurried voice, as if offering help: “Girl, this is
the men's restroom,” to which we all answered simultaneously: “we know.”
When she heard my thin and soft voice, she looked directly at my breasts. At
that moment, I believe, she realized that I am a woman. What makes me think
this way is that, when she noticed my breasts, she put her hand over her mouth,
showing she was even more scared. At that moment, the white woman coming
from the stairs also realized that neither I nor my other black friend offered any
danger to the white woman whom she seemed to be willing to defend. After
some seconds, my colleagues and I looked at each other and started laughing.
The woman left with her hand over her mouth, whispering: “but it's the male
toilet…” We didn't comment on the episode, we just exchanged glances and
went to our class.
Historically, discourses on the body were crucial to establishing racism, as well as
to the construction of femininity. Both created a gaze regime and projected a
series of classificatory elements (in)to the body. It was through black bodies, 11
mainly female black bodies, that the colonialist project legitimized its
objectification practices. Lélia Gonzalez in the 1980’s denounces that, within the
world project designed by white people, black women exist to fit in three
existence possibilities: the mulata, the doméstica, and the mãe preta. All of 12
which correspond to colonial matrices built on heterosexuality that, if not real,
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Notes of a Black Sapatão in Santa Catarina
have to appear real through a heterosexual performance, translated through
decorative elements for the body and through the colonial power given to
white men.
In the realm of this gaze regime, whiteness constitutes a place of structural
advantage, a place from where the white subject sees others and themself
(Ware 2004), using their very own place of enunciation to act as gender police
and as a racializating subject. Through these gestures they elaborate a whole
imprisonment and elimination scheme for bodies they consider unsuitable in the
female-male, white-black binary scheme. The white girl’s frightened look is the
materialization of this racializating gender police, for in the hegemonic colonial
matrix, a non-feminine black woman does not exist, nor does a black bicha
afeminada. If we don't exist, she must have seen two ghosts. That would explain
her shock.
Separating bodies – Part II
In the week after the violent situation I described above, I looked for the female
toilet on the second floor in the Department of Anthropology building because it
is even more isolated. I was happy I found it empty, so I entered the sanitary
cabin. When I was leaving, a white young woman looked at me in panic and
shouted: “AHHH! Jeeez, there is a man in my bathroom!” I could not react to
that, I just stood there. The white woman gave me a second look, targeting my
breasts and proceeded to say, angrily: “I thought you were a man in the
women’s bathroom.” Nope. No apologies. She just gave me a dirty look and
said that. So I asked her with my thin and soft voice – apparently not matching
my body –, “Why did you think I was a man?” The white woman just walked
towards the toilet as she answered, “I do not have the obligation to know what
you are. This is the women’s restroom.”
After I left that restroom, I went on with the day’s schedule without talking to
anyone about that violent experience. It was not new to me, but I noticed that
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it had been happening more frequently. I attended the classes, got in touch
with different theories and different world projects; yet, there I stood, feeling
unspeakable colonial pains. There is no theory capable of dealing with what
coloniality does to us. When people perceive my black body passing through
places unauthorized to me by codes of whiteness and heteronormativity, they
stare at me. Fixed looks and staring are not new to me, and neither is my
reaction to them: I swallow the bitter pill, collect their perceptions and keep
walking. We find ourselves in a colonizer world`s project, the colonized body has
no autonomy. It does not have the same freedom of construction or
deconstruction that the white body possesses.
Brazilian universities, where just recently it became possible to exist as a black
person, but only within what racial and gender colonizers understand and
legitimize, have a very small black academic body. Countless university norms,
mainly the symbolic ones, are used to deny and invalidate the knowledge
produced by bodies that do not fit in a universalizing project. The academic
journey requires alliances, visibility and recognition, because it is designed to
legitimize ideas, thoughts, projects and people. In this journey, however,
university classifies as unproductive any expression that modifies the space and
reconfigures its environment. Therefore, for black people, university means an
everyday construction of the self as part of a minority – when it comes to the
access to rights – that is constantly negotiating with very white and very
heterosexual colonial spaces. In this sense, black women’s existences are always
processes in negotiation, but there is no negotiation with non-feminine black
women, since the few ways of existing within the colonial project involve
negotiating with heterosexuality.
Once Black sapatonas become visible in prestigious spaces, we dismantle the
heterosexual black woman body ideal planned for them by whiteness, for their
bodies and subjectivities are inconceivable as free, i.e. beyond the binary matrix
and heterosexual aesthetics in white eyes. The white racializating subject needs
to express their discontent through various types of violence, including shouting
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that they are not obliged to know “what I am.” What am I? The possible answer
to this question posed by whiteness is that I am a body divided into parts, that is
why there are several of me, forced to exist in alignment, to reinvent
“themselves” strategically in order to occupy spaces that they say are not mine.
I have learned to be many in one with other sapatonas, who were forced to
feminize themselves to work. They suffered and cried but they put that make-up
on. And on their days off, in secret, with the chosen woman, then, yes, they had
the looks they wanted. We, black sapatonas, are what they try to kill, annihilate.
We are prevented from being, from existing, because we challenge the project
whiteness created for us. But, to the same extent, we are also the reality that will
contribute to destroying the fiction they invented.
In the same week that my body was sliced for the second time, I heard that,
almost a year ago, Thais de Paula, a cleaning employee at a supermarket
chain, was forced to use the men's bathroom due to her non-feminine
appearance. Evidence of a similar reality for sapatonas in different spaces. I 13
am interested in thinking why Thais, I and others like us should split our
subjectivities into two parts: one consisting of “how we really are” and the other
consisting of “how whiteness sees us.” Why is it only inside our heads that a
sapatona is a whole person? The feeling of inadequacy to the world is part of
the colonial political project in which race, sex and sexuality work together to
produce a specific type of “non-human.” Therefore, the farther from the
heterosexual matrix we are, the more inadequate, strange and animalized the
colonial structure considers black sapatonas.
Consequently, through the absence of specific public policies combined with
psychological, aesthetic, physical and economic violence, two options are
systematically and subjectively given to us: either we live at the margins until we
face total elimination or we must compulsorily approach heterosexuality. Taking
part in the heterosexual game directly means reinforcing institutional tools that
discredit women's freedom, because this world’s project survives through
speeches that reinforce the idea women are men's emotional and sexual
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properties and that women's full autonomy threatens social institutions
dominated mostly by white men, such as family, state and religion (Saunders
2017). For non-heterosexual black people, freedom is a constant struggle, as
well as for other subalternized groups.
Colonial silence denies our existence and pushes us to a non-place. We
become then more vulnerable to prejudices, harassment, aggression,
depression and suicide. Given these circumstances, this narrative has subjective
and collective value to debate coloniality issues, for we, black sapatonas,
produce knowledge in our everyday life. The knowledge that has been
historically orally produced and reproduced by black people has been
historically hidden and classified as irrelevant by the colonial matrix. This matrix
classifies this kind of knowledge as worthless, unfit to be taken into consideration
in the upbringing of new world perspectives forged in spaces of power, such as
the universities themselves. Such narratives are left aside because they carry
within the power of black women's liberation from colonial ties. Black sapatonas
narratives about our lives contribute epistemologically, methodologically and
centrally in the perspective of shaking the colonial proposal and shaking
historiography, so that the movements of our bodies “change the places of
enunciation” (Preciado 2014, 27) that, today, are guided by violence.
Historicizing black sapatão experiences in southern Brazil, demonstrating the
hostility of some spaces, is a way of destabilizing the historical memory that has
been built about the racial and identity landscape of Santa Catarina. In
addition, I aimed to call attention to the importance of localized history and to
the micro histories produced by a population that does not even exist in the
official history. The dismantling strategies of the colonial configuration must also
come from the ignored, muted and erased historical characters. Lesbian/dyke/
sapatão resistance is in the very act of being and existing in the world as one
desires, facing the structures, and becoming visible in search of liberation, as a
collective struggle to confront colonial systems. Recognizing these experiences
means gazing upon beauty, wisdom and real opportunities to exist in freedom,
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dream up our fictions, refound what we deem possible in these violent spaces,
and devise knowledge in a structured way without having our horizons being
shaped by and defined within a colonial white and heterosexual project.
References
Butler, Judith. 2018. “Corpos em Aliança e a Política das Ruas.” In Corpos em Aliança e a
Política das Ruas: Notas pra uma Teoria Performativa de Assembleia, 75-109. Translated
by Fernanda Siqueira Miguens. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira.
Caldwell, K. 2000. “Fronteiras da Diferença: Raça e Mulheres no Brasil.” Revista Estudos
Feministas 8 (2): 91-108.
Fanon, F. 2008. Pele Negra, Máscaras Brancas. Translated by Renato da Silveira. Salvador:
EDUFBA.
Gonzalez, Lelia. 1988. “A Categoria Político-cultural de Amefricanidade.” Tempo Brasileiro
92-93: 69-82.
López, Laura Cecília. 2014. “O Corpo Colonial e as Políticas e Poéticas da Diáspora para
Compreender as Mobilizações Afro-latino-americanas.” Horizontes Antropológicos 21
(43): 301-330. http://www.scielo.br/pdf/ha/v21n43/0104-7183-ha-21-43-0301.pdf
Preciado, B. 2014. Manifesto Contrassexual: Práticas Subversivas de Identidade Sexual.
Translated by Maria Paula Gurgel Ribeiro. São Paulo: N-1 edições.
Saunders, Tanya L. 2017. “Epistemologia Negra Sapatão como Vetor de uma Práxis Humana
Libertária” Translated by Sarah Ryanne Sukerman Sanches. Revista Periódicus 1 (7):
102-116. https://portalseer.ufba.br/index.php/revistaperiodicus/article/view/22275/0.
Scott, Joan Wallach. 1995. “Gênero: uma Categoria Útil de Análise Histórica.” Translated by
Guacira Lopes Louro. In Educação & Realidade 20 (2) (Jul/Dec): 71-99.
Ware, V. 2004. “Introdução: o Poder Duradouro da Branquitude: ‘Um Problema a Solucionar.”
Translated by Vera Ribeiro. In Branquidade: Identidade Branca e Multiculturalismo,
edited by V. Ware, 7-40. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond.
Annex:
Table 1
Excerpts of Krudas Cubensi first artistic period. [3]
In their beginnings, Krudas Cubensi talked about the awareness and recognition
of what menstruation means for each woman in their songs, totally contested
for that time, 1995. One of the most significant says “120 red hours each month…
blood from within…Krudas Revolution manifestation…girls raise your self-esteem”
(Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Cubensi Hip Hop) (2003, 120 Horas Rojas)
- “No being an object of valorisation… You are beautiful as you are;
ebony in bloom…intelligence is your virtue” (Odaymar Cuesta y
Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
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- “Ebony’ s war r io r s the t ime to b reak the cha ins has
come” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi
Hip Hop, 2003)
- “I am my hair, I am religion, I am the proud of my mouth, black
kruda” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi
Hip Hop, 2003)
- “Our fight is collective…we are more than a movement”(Odaymar
Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “I am still here with feminist point of view.. Ifà is our right”(Odaymar
Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “Hip Hop will be our protector and elf…we are 100 female horses for
your intellect” (Odaymar Cuesta y Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD:
Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
- “It is our identity that we are fighting for…”(Odaymar Cuesta y
Olivie Prendes, Eres Bella, CD: Cubensi Hip Hop, 2003)
Table 2.
Fragments of Krudas Cubensi songs in their new artistic phase (Odaymar Cuesta
y Olivie Prendes: “No me dejaron entrar”, CD Krudas Compilación, Austin 2009.)
- “They don't let me enter Spain….they said that Cuba is a bad trick”
- “Travel is a challenge of change…they have the right to migrate”
- “Loving everyone you like will never be illegal”
- “We don't need you Machismo…liberation for all”
- “Women in resistance… Krudas are here now to change your life”
Table 3.
Fragments of songs with self-esteem thematic autoestima (Odaymar Cuesta,
“Gorda", 2008, Quilombo Radio: Progreso Rythms 1)
- “I got a lot of flesh…more than 40 on my waist, …the fat woman is
here…”
- “why consume colonized bodies”
- “I am resisting as fat, as black, as warrior”
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- “Crazy because the lyrics express without concern what people talk
about”
- “Crazy…Loose and single women”
- I am singing for my different people
- I am the only queen and my crown is to change ideas
- Here we are…maybe in solitude we are wasting ourselves
- And our words are going away or maybe just on some and other
memories remain
- And some other attitude has been showing and here we are
breathing
T.N.: Sapatão/sapatona is preferably used in this article rather than “lesbian” in order to differentiate the 1
lesbian experiences in Brazil from those in other national contexts. As with “dyke,” sapatão/sapatona used
to be a derogatory term to refer to lesbians; however, it has gone through a resignification in the Brazilian
lesbian community and is now used as a term of pride and self-definition.
The contemporary Brazilian political context has highlighted the need for alliance politics that protect 2
subalternized bodies, which are exploited and killed by the necropolitical structures that are being
institutionally expanded in the country. The utterance of the phrase “Ninguém solta a mão de ninguém [no
one lets go of anyone’s hand],” a historical reference that recalls survival strategies applied by politically
persecuted people during the official dictatorship that began in 1964, has strongly brought up the idea
that only through the formation of alliances can these precarious lives be preserved in the critical situation
that the black Brazilian people find themselves. Obviously, the more hyphens are marked in the existence
of black bodies, the greater the social damage and the imminence of death. And, as a body in danger of
extinction: a black-sapatão-woman, I trigger this reflection.
In the book Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly (2018) Judith Butler presents the concept of 3
“bodies in alliance” as a survival strategy to bring together bodies that are at greater risk of violence. The
theorist states that the movements fighting for the rights of sexual and gender minorities must ally
themselves with the population subjected to “a shared condition of precarity that situates our political
lives.” (Butler 2018, 77), however difficult it may be.
The creation of the Special Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (Seppir), the approval of the 4
law 10.639/2003 and the approval of affirmative actions, including the guarantee of racial quotas,
happened in 2003, with the goal of promoting the access of groups that are or may become victims of
racial discrimination. These are a few legislative examples created to modify the curricula, the universities
and Brazilian education, in general.
The number of black students in graduate programmes more than doubled from 2001 to 2013, according 5
to data from the National Household Sample Survey (Pad). Although black people represent the majority
of the population (52.9%), black students represent only 28.9% of the total graduate students. From this total
of black graduate students, 15% are black women.
Leaving the university walls and looking for underpaid jobs, mainly in the telemarketing field, we are there, 6
a diversity of black sapatonas.
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I emphasize that being “treated as a man” here refers only to the field of violence, not to the privileges 7
that masculinity produces and maintains. The privileges of masculinity are reserved only for white and
heterosexual cis men and their most real simulacra. When masculine lesbians hear such a phrase, we know
that we are being exposed to physical violence, in Brazil, possibly to a threat of murder. See “Liana
Barbosa’s case,” a black sapatão murdered by the police moments after hearing the phrase “Do you
want to be a man? then, you will be treated like a man.” In Brazil, to be treated as a black man is to enter
into genocide statistics.
T.N.: bicha afeminada: feminine identified bicha (faggot).8
Although the south of the country is famous for being extremely racist among Brazilians, there are just a 9
few published studies dealing with specific racism in southern Brazil. The popular website “Pragmatismo
Político,” published data from a research led by the anthropologist Adriana Dias. Her survey data show that
Brazil’s South is the region in the country where Nazi content is downloaded the most from the internet. The
state of Santa Catarina is the champion of interest in accessing these contents, allowing us to draw an
overview of the region. See: https://www.pragmatismopolitico.com.br/2018/09/sul-conteudo-neonazista-
internet.html
Black intellectual women and feminists from the Americas, in an attempt to express the embodied 10
experiences of race and gender, questioned and expanded the discussions about body and belonging,
creating space to reflect upon the subjectivity of black women and their wisdoms from their own
experiences. See: Bairros 1995; Carneiro 2005; Crenshaw 2002; Curiel 2007; González 1988.
I understand femininity as an essentially violent project, organized in hierarchies in which white women 11
are the models. In this project, the role of simulacrum is reserved for black women, so their femininities are
developed within walls, with boundaries of assisted and restricted liberties.
T.N.: The mulata is a hyper-sexualized black woman, it is a racial stereotype; doméstica: a domestic 12
worker. In Brazil, this term refers to what could be considered a contemporary Mammy; mãe preta:
Mammy. Note that a translation of Lélia Gonzalez’ essay (Translated by Bruna Barros, Feva Omo Iyanu, Jess
Oliveira and Luciana Reis, all members of the Research Group Translating in the Black Atlantic at Federal
University of Bahia) is forthcoming in a special issue on Solidão and Black Women’s Affect that Tanya L.
Saunders, Sarah Olhmer and Luciane Ramos are guest editing.
“I was working when a new employee said she was embarrassed to see a ‘man’ cleaning the restroom. I 13
had already left work that day, but my supervisor asked me to go back to the supermarket and told me to
start using the men's restroom, adding that I really looked like a boy. At first, I was afraid to use it. I run the
risk of being raped, and it is embarrassing. I put the uniform over my clothes. A young man asked the chief
to stop treating me differently and heard that, regardless of what was said, as I do look like a man, I would
remain in the men's bathroom. So I was in a situation where I either accepted, or would be sent away,”
said Thais in an interview published in newspaper Jornal Extra. Available online at: https://extra.globo.com/
noticias/economia/funcionaria-lesbica-entra-na-justica-apos-ser-proibida-de-usar-banheiro-
feminino-23482406.html.
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Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador:
A Decolonial Counter-Narrative on the
Geographic Urban Space and its
Restrictions of the Right to the City 1
Aline P. do Nascimento
Undergraduate Major in Geography
Federal University of Bahia, Brazil
&
Sheyla dos S. Trindade
Member, Coletivo Diversidade, Gênero e Negritude SindUte/Gy
& Teacher, State of Minas Gerais
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Ayala Tude
& Alanne Maria de Jesus
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Ayala Tude and Alanne Maria de Jesus.
Source for Images: Ocupação Sapatão’s organization archive.
Abstract
This work aims to analyse the socio-spatial invisibilities of Black sapatonas in the
cultural dimension of the centre of Salvador. It seeks to provoke and debate the
occupation of urban spaces from the perspective of entertainment not only for
Black sapatonas, but also for bisexual and trans women (LBT), who have their
existence erased due to institutional racism and LGBT-phobia. In this sense,
Ocupação Sapatão Bahia is a cultural activity in response to the hegemonic
and cis-heteronormative spaces of public and private entertainment. By
boosting the presence of Black and female bodies in Salvador’s centre, the
event seeks to promote the visibility of the Black LBT women’s community. The
main goal of the party is to claim the right to the city by materially and
symbolically subverting the spatial delimitations imposed to these women,
taking into consideration that the geographical space produced/reproduced
under the norms of the colonizing and capitalist processes impose the
dehumanization of Black and female bodies. Ocupação Sapatão is constituted
by seven Black women, sapatonas and bisexual, residents of the outskirts of
Salvador. The actions developed in the last three editions of the event gathered
a significant number of women from different neighbourhoods in the city,
especially the peripheral ones. The women occupied a bar owned by the 2
Black sapatonas couple Ray and Lucy. In the following we discuss the results of
these events, highlighting the potential of Black women who have their
existence denied every day when it comes to access to urban spaces.
Keywords: Black; Sapatão; Salvador; women; territory
How to cite
do Nascimento, Aline P. & Sheyla dos S Trindade. “Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial
Counter-Narrative on the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions of the Right to the City”.
Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 111–126
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Aline P. do Nascimento & Sheyla dos S. Trindade: Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial
Counter-Narrative on the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions of the Right to the City
Introduction
The night was about to start when three – out of a group of seven – young Black
sapatonas, holding two cans of spray paint and a piece of white fabric, got
together on Dois de Julho Square, in a historical neighbourhood in Salvador.
Among laughter caused by jokes and high expectations, they were painting the
banners that would be used in the first lesbian and bisexual meeting for visibility
named “Ocupação Sapatão” (Occupy Sapatão). The meeting, which
gathered approximately a hundred women, took place at a bar owned by two
Black sapatonas, Champagne Bar, also known as Ray and Lucy’s rooftop. The
banners would represent, until the end of that night, a strong existential and
territorial delimitation of this political minority group and its existential specificities
which directly collide with the imposing hegemonic culture, based on the racist,
cis-hetero, sexist, misogynistic and capitalist supremacies. Cheryl Clarke (1998)
reflects that no matter how the sapatão lives out her lesbian-ness, she has
rebelled against her female heterosexual and male-dependent condition, and
this rebellion is dangerous business in patriarchy.
The public and private spaces within a patriarchal society constitute a real war
arena for all dissident identities that will be constantly restrained and erased in
their most basic rights, such as entertainment for example. In this regard,
Ocupação Sapatão, with all its gender, race and sex specificities, has been
thought to be, in its essence, a cultural activity promoted, organised, built and
managed by and for Black women, sapatonas who have been building a
counter-narrative of existence in the cis-heteronormative entertainment field of
Salvador.
According to the demographic data from the 2010 census released by the
Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e
Estatística – IBGE), about 80% of Salvador’s population is Black (pardos +
pretos). Considering this ratio, one can say that Salvador is a Black city. In 3
absolute numbers, Bahia’s capital has approximately three million inhabitants –
out of which two million four hundred thousand are Black, this population being
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mostly agglomerated in the outskirts of the city and having no access to the
urban apparatus of leisure and entertainment.
Territorializing an Ancestral Decoloniality
The feminist geographer Doreen Massey (2000) stresses that it is not only
capitalism that determines our understanding and experience of the space;
relations of gender and race are also present and determinant for our
perceptions. The denial of these social identities’ existence in urban spaces is a
reality that reassembles the socio-historical construction of Brazil. Salvador-Bahia
is the first and therefore the founding capital of Brazil. Having been founded in
the sixteenth century, the city’s pillars are intertwined at the intersections of
gender, class, race and space.
Historically, as the urban environment in Salvador developed, the spatial
complexity and intersectional bundles of oppressions that affect Black men and
women – kidnapped from Africa or born in Brazil – become more evident. One
of the highlights of these intersectional bundles is the interrelationship among
women, race and urban spaces. This relation begins in the end of the
eighteenth and in the beginning of the nineteenth centuries with the
ganhadeiras, enslaved women who worked in the ‘sistema de ganho’, a system
in which Black people, mostly women (enslaved or liberated), were forced to
trade small products – such as vegetables, homemade typical foods, meat, fruit,
fabric, small goods and many other things – in urban areas and bring back the
money they made for the enslaving masters. These women were usually around
Salvador’s urban centre carrying baskets, trays or troughs on their heads. They
occupied the streets and squares which were designated to the public and free
markets. Soares points out:
The activities performed by the ganhadeiras, although important to
the distribution of essential goods to urban life, concerned the
authorities. Their work was itinerant or settled in strategic spots of the
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city, serving as integrational elements among a population
considered dangerous by the elite. This political factor, added to
the state’s effort to organise and control urban life in the 19th
century, would lead to many struggles between the ganhadeiras
and the military authorities (Soares 1996, 65).
These Black women occupied and experienced the city not only as
personifications of the profit in the enslavement system, but also as elements
who challenged the Western colonizing system. They reaffirmed the existence of
their Black female bodies in the urban space by affecting the usual flow of
European colonisation, territorialising their practices and experiences. The
connection and intersection made between Black women ganhadeiras from
the nineteenth century and Black sapatonas from the Ocupação Sapatão
have nothing to do with their sexuality, but rather to the way these two groups,
although chronologically separated by more than one hundred years, were
able to spatially share the particularities of Salvador tracing out occupying
strategies and narratives.
Through their bodies, the ganhadeiras taught us the importance of
territorialising, occupying and experiencing the urban environment by
performing different economic, religious and cultural activities in order to
guarantee not only their own subsistence and survival, but also their
communities’ survival. With their black bodies, they were able to turn their claim
for the right to the city into “flesh and blood.”
Considering that ganhadeiras were a dissident group in the colonial past,
Ocupação Sapatão, in the twenty-first century, exercises its dissidence by
claiming their right to the city by seeking to re-exist in an urban geographic
space that is not produced/reproduced for Black sapatonas who do not fit in
heteropatriarchal standards.
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In this regard, the space chosen to hold Ocupação Sapatão was ‘Champagne
Bar’, located on Carlos Gomes street, in the upper part of the city. The bar is a
meeting point among the older sapatonas from the city, being a space of
resistance for them. Its owners are a couple of sapatonas who had always been
employees in entertainment clubs around Carlos Gomes street. After working for
some years in the field, they decided to open their own establishment, which
was the only one owned and managed by two Black sapatonas in that place
at that time – which was unprecedented, since the field had been dominated
by white, straight and cisgender men until then.
Carlos Gomes Street has approximately 14 entertainment clubs that cater to the
cis-hetero people, and two that cater to the LGBTQI+ community. Flávia 4
Nascimento, a former member of Ocupação Sapatão’s organization, helps us
to reflect upon what we will call here local/territory:
“Ray and Lucy’s bar is extremely relevant for us to think about
lesbians and sapatonas in Salvador […]. The cultural scene and the
lesbian activism in Salvador over the years tell us a lot about Ray
and Lucy’s bar, for it has once been a meeting point for activists
who were interested in cultural empowerment, political mobilization
and sapatão love. But which was rendered invisible in the cultural
centre of Salvador until the time Ocupação Sapatão was being
built. The fact that their bar was one of the few ones managed by
two women who identified as sapatonas says a lot about this
process.” (Flavia Nascimento)
The celebration of the lesbian and bisexual visibility month in 2017 was one of
the main reasons for holding the first Ocupação Sapatão party, exclusively for
LBT women, on Carlos Gomes street. It was a way of promoting the presence of
LBT women in that public space as customers, as well as creating, even if
temporarily, a territory of welcoming and belonging. The second edition, in 2018,
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took place in an outdoor space in the Rio Vermelho neighbourhood on
February 2nd, when a traditional party happens in the city. 5
Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador is an invitation to territorialise experiences and
specificities when it comes to the entertainment of LBT women, especially Black
sapatonas. During the whole process of building Ocupação Sapatão, black
women’s autonomy was exercised. The lesbian continuum is a concept coined
by Adrienne Rich (1980) and refers to a sociability in which all women
experiences, practices, affections and ways of living are for women and by
women. It could be observed and experienced on every stage of the event’s
production. The actions carried out brought, at their core, a discussion about LBT
women and the limits that the patriarchal urban environment promotes in terms
of black sapatonas access to entertainment, considering that compulsory
heterosexuality selects which bodies will access certain spaces, as well as what
kind of access certain bodies will and will not have to certain geographic areas.
This process produces/reproduces the geographic space.
The Black Sapatão’s Spatial Counter-Narrative
When a group of Black women, composed of sapatonas and bisexuals, having
fat or thin bodies, belonging to religions of African matrices or with no defined
religion – all of them part of historically silenced groups in a society that builds
itself and moves forward through gender, race and class oppression – decide to
organise a party named “Ocupação Sapatão” exclusive for women like them in
a bar owned by two Black sapatonas, a counter-narrative of existence and
experience is written. This counter-narrative does not fit the colonial/modern
standards imposed on the urban space, for they are a group of Black women
with diverse sexualities freely experiencing the urban space among themselves,
without the need for the authorization or the presence of men.
Thus, there is a fight against the restriction of the right to the city, and it started
since its colonial foundation. Being in the streets and urban spaces as female
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and Black is not only an invitation to share experiences, but also a way of living
in resistance and re-existence. Once the violence that comes from several LGBT-
phobic situations coerces the presence of LBT women, specially the sapatonas
who do not perform femininity, they are exposed to a lot of psychological and
physical violence that arises from the attempt to erase the lesbian existence.
The more than one hundred black women who took part in the event were
moved by the desire of living moments of happiness, pleasure and belonging
among their peers. The happiness and feeling of belonging among women who
have relationships with other women are considered dangerous for the
maintenance of a society based on heteropatriarchy. In this sense, Monique
Wittig states:
For what makes a woman is a specific social relation to a man, a
relation that we have previously called servitude, a relation which
implies personal and physical obligation as well as economic
obligation… a relation which lesbians escape by refusing to
become or to stay heterosexual…[our survival] can be only
accomplished by the destruction of heterosexuality as a social
system which is based on the oppression of women by men and
which produces the doctrine of the difference between sexes only
to justify oppression (Wittig 1993, 108 quoted in Saunders 2017, 107).
In a way that, by collectively reuniting – mostly – Black sapatonas singers, poets,
DJs, masters of ceremony, artists, organisers, among other activities/attractions,
Ocupação Sapatão challenged not only the cis-heteronormativity of the public
space in which the party took place – since the quantitative presence of these
women attracted curious bystanders who were trying to grasp what was
happening in that place – but also the masculinity and the privileges of white
and black gay men, who resented or accused the organisers and participants
of being segregationists once they learned that men – regardless of their place
in the sexuality spectrum – were not allowed there. All of that puts in evidence
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how the colonial mind can turn political allies into atrasalados or enemies in the 6
women’s fight for the right to public space.
Pictures of the first edition of Ocupação Sapatão at Ray and Lucy’s bar.
Source: Ocupação Sapatão’s organization archive.
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Source: Ocupação Sapatão’s organization archive.
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Source: Ocupação Sapatão’s organization archive.
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Source: Ocupação Sapatão’s organization archive.
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Final Thoughts
The building process of Ocupação Sapatão happened through the community
of LBT women. So, for us, the authors of this article, it makes no sense to have a
final conclusion defined only by us. We will consider the voices of some Black
sapatonas who were part of the process, either participating in the activities, or
sharing the event on their social networks and contributing to the positive
energy to make that territory of LBT- belonging happen.
“As a Black sapatona, I felt very comfortable in the event and I
think it is very important that this one, as well as other events I hope
will come up in the future – keep happening, because it is a
political space for resistance where we can relate to and identify
with each other. In the current moment, more than ever, we need
meetings like these.” (Crislane Rosa)
“Ocupação Sapatão comes to revitalise the memory, to remind this
city that erases us that we can be art, culture, that we can build a
historic process – even if it is denied to us. But, mainly, to remind us
that, when we are among ourselves, we are a celebration. Our
existence is the most political act that we can perform, and yes,
together we discuss political reforms, but we also empower
ourselves by caring for each other, in rebuceteio and in sapatão
love. Every place becomes political when sapatonas occupy 7
them.” (Flavia Nascimento)
“Ocupação Sapatão has an itinerant characteristic which makes it
able to shape itself to the space it occupies. We occupied
Yemanja’s festivities on the 2nd of February, in Rio Vermelho, having
as the main objective to welcome, exchange affection and
celebrate the life of Black sapatonas in the city of Salvador. (Ani
Ganzala).
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“The space was very welcoming and at the same time intimidating,
because the actions were profound and intimate and they made
me reflect on the need to talk about our sexuality. Ocupação
Sapatão made me realise this need that was erased by a sexist,
racist and homophobic society. At the same time, it was a space to
put out our anguishes, pain and silenced feelings, that is, it was also
a space for healing. (Lidia Duque)
During the construction of Ocupação Sapatão, one of the biggest concerns
was the well-being of the women taking part in the event. The organisers
wanted to make sure every guest would be welcomed and feel they were part
of an alive community that recognised them as powerful and capable for
keeping and caring for their love relationships with other women despite
society’s violent reaction against them. That is why seeing happy faces, smiles
and kind hugs during the party as well as listening to the testimonies of some of
the interviewees, as presented above, made us realise that the party has
succeeded in reaching its main goals: to create, even for a short period of time,
a space of counter-narrative productions, fostering thus a feeling of belonging
and political tensioning of the institutionalised invisibility imposed on LBT women
in the public space.
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Aline P. do Nascimento & Sheyla dos S. Trindade: Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial
Counter-Narrative on the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions of the Right to the City
References
Bernardino-Costa, Joaze and Ramón Grosfoguel. 2016. “Decolonialidade e Perspectiva Negra.”
Revista Sociedade e Estado 31 (1). http://www.scielo.br/pdf/se/v31n1/0102-6992-
se-31-01-00015.pdf
Carlos, Ana Fani Alessandri. 2015. A Crise Urbana. São Paulo: Contexto.
Clarke, Cheryl. 1988. “Lesbianismo: un Acto de Resistencia.” In Esta Puente, mi Espalda: Voces
de las Tercermundistas en los Estados Unidos, translated by Ana Castillo and Norma
Alarcón. San Francisco: ISM Press.
Ferreira, Eduarda, Luciana Moreira and Maria Helena Lenzi. 2018. “Espacialidades Lésbicas:
Localizando Visibilidades e Construindo Geografias Dissidentes.” Revista Latino
Americana de Geografia e Gênero 9 (2).
IBGE. 2010a. Banco de Dados Agregados – SIDRA. http://sidra.ibge.gov.br/tabela/
136#resultado
IBGE. 2010b. Banco de Dados Agregados – SIDRA https://sidra.ibge.gov.br/Tabela/
3175#resultado
Massey, Doreen. 2000 “Um Sentido Global do Lugar.” In O Espaço da Diferença, translated by
Pedro Maia Soares. Campinas: Papirus. https://edisciplinas.usp.br/pluginfile.php/
4332656/mod_resource/content/1/DOREEN%20MASSEY%20-
%20SENTIDO%20GLOBAL%20DO%20LUGAR.pdf
Saunders, Tanya. 2017. “Epistemologia Negra Sapatão como Vetor de uma Práxis Humana
Libertária.” Revista Periódicus 1 (7). http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/peri.v1i7.22275
Rich, Adrienne. 2012. “Heterossexualidade Compulsória e Existência Lésbica.” Bagoas – Estudos
Gays: Gêneros e Sexualidades 4 (5). Translated by Carlos Guilherme do Valle. https://
periodicos.ufrn.br/bagoas/article/view/2309/1742
Soares, Cecília Moreira. 1996. “As Ganhadeiras: Mulher e Resistência Negra em Salvador no
Século XIX.” Afro-Ásia 1 (17). Salvador: CEAO-UFBA.
Souza, Marcelo Lopes de. 1995. “O Território: Sobre Espaço e Poder, Autonomia e
Desenvolvimento.” In Geografia: Conceitos e Temas, edited by Castro, Iná Elias, Paulo
César da Costa Gomes and Roberto Lobato Correa. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil.
Tuan, Yi-Fu. 1983. Espaço e Lugar: a Perspectiva da Experiência. São Paulo: DIFEL.
125
http://www.sci
http://www.sci
https://sidra.ibge.gov.br/tabela/136
https://sidra.ibge.gov.br/tabela/136
https://sidra.ibge.gov.br/Tabela/3175%22%20%5Cl%20%22resultado
https://sidra.ibge.gov.br/Tabela/3175%22%20%5Cl%20%22resultado
https://edisciplinas.usp.br/pluginfile.php/4332656/mod_resource/content/1/DOREEN
https://edisciplinas.usp.br/pluginfile.php/4332656/mod_resource/content/1/DOREEN
https://edisciplinas.usp.br/pluginfile.php/4332656/mod_resource/content/1/DOREEN
https://edisciplinas.usp.br/pluginfile.php/4332656/mod_resource/content/1/DOREEN
http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/peri.v1i7.22275
https://periodicos.ufrn.br/b
https://periodicos.ufrn.br/b
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T. N.: Sapatão/sapatona is preferably used in this article rather than ‘lesbian’ or ‘dyke’ in order to 1
differentiate the lesbian experiences in Brazil from those in other national contexts. Similar to ‘dyke’,
sapatão/sapatona used to be a derogatory term to refer to lesbians; however, it has gone through a
historical resignification in the lesbian community and is now used as a term of pride and self-definition.
T.N.: In Salvador – as well as in other Brazilian cities – there is a social-spatial relationship that pushes the 2
poor to the peripheral areas of the city. That is why "periphery" is usually used to refer to disadvantaged
neighbourhoods
T.N.: According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IGBE), the Black population 3
(população negra) in Brazil is formed by people who self-define themselves as preta/o (literally "black,"
usually used by those who are dark-skinned) or as parda/o. The term pardo is used by IBGE to refer to
mixed-race people. Historically, the idea of pardo as an ethnic group emerged in Brazil during the colonial
period.
The acronym LGBTQ+ (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender, queer, + other identities) is used as one of the 4
diverse possibilities of the sexuality spectrum.
T.N.: On February 2nd, Yemanja’s party is traditionally celebrated in Salvador. It is a religious festivity that 5
happens annually in the neighbourhood of Rio Vermelho. People deliver presents such as flowers and
perfume to the Orisha known as “the queen of the sea.”
Linguistic expression of Salvador’s vernacular vocabulary commonly used to define a person who tries to 6
bother or hinder someone’s success.
T.N.: Rebuceteio is the act of engaging in relationships with different women from the same social circle. It 7
is popularly known in the lesbian and sapatona communities in Brazil.
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Suane Felippe Soares: Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
Suane Felippe Soares
PhD Candidate, Graduate Program in Social History
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Bruna Barros
& Jess Oliveira
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
Abstract
This article presents a partial overview of my perceptions – so far – on the
reception of the book “Dossiê sobre lesbocídio no Brasil: entre 2014 e
2017” [Dossier on the Killing of Lesbians in Brazil: from 2014 to 2017], launched by
Milena Cristina Carneiro Peres, Suane Felippe Soares (author of this article) and
Maria Clara Marques Dias, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on 7 March 2018, in
collaboration with the research and extension groups in which we take part as
members as well as coordinators at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ).
The perspective on the receptions analysed here will be that of direct contact
with society, specifically the public presentations of the Dossiê. The Dossiê had
great repercussion among academic, activist and civil groups with a focus on
the lesbian public; it was also presented internationally. The main goal of this
paper is to analyse the possible impacts of studying lesbocide on the
transformation of violence paradigms against lesbians.
Keywords: Lesbocide; Lesbophobia; Lesbian mobilisation; Lesbian visibility.
How to cite
Soares. Suane Felippe. 2020. “Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context”. Caribbean Review of Gender
Studies, Issue 14: 127–138.
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Suane Felippe Soares: Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
This paper presents a reading in the first person of the repercussion of the studies
about lesbocide in Brazil and it is based on the recent research performed by
Milena Cristina Carneiro Peres, Suane Felippe Soares, and Maria Clara Marques
Dias. The research began in 2017 with the collaboration of the laboratories,
research groups and extension groups in which we participate as members as
well as coordinators at the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). Based
on this research, in 2018 we released the Dossiê sobre lesbocídio no Brasil: entre
2014 e 2017. 1
The reactions to the Dossiê varied. The population in general was shocked by
the data presented, while, in spaces dedicated to the promotion of Human
Rights (HR), there was a surge of worry about the issue. There were also
expressions of rejection and mockery (Soihet 2005, 592), explicit in the attempts
to discredit the research by conservative branches of society, in consonance
with a great wave of attacks on social movements and scientific initiatives
dedicated to promoting social justice and the overcoming of structures of
domination. Finally, there was great support and commotion, a feeling of
closeness and the strengthening of a network formed by various groups of
lesbians of all ages and races, from Brazil and from other countries, engaged in
lesbian activism, inside and outside the academy. Hereafter, I will discuss some
considerations on these positions in a fluid way, in order to present arguments
that may contribute to the consolidating of lesbian studies as a part of the
struggle for lesbian rights.
With the research Lesbocídio: as histórias que ninguém conta [Lesbocide: the
stories that no one tells] and the publishing of the Dossiê, we could present 126
cases of lesbian deaths (suicides and murders) that took place between 2014
and 2017 in Brazil. Since the country does not have a national system for
cataloguing these deaths, and since we did not raise funds specifically for this
research, we had to use data available online, in newspapers, magazines,
obituaries, social media and other similar sources. This limited us to information
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that was heavily marked by the ideological bias of the knowingly racist,
lesbophobic, misogynistic, transphobic, elitist, sensationalist hegemonic media.
Due to this limitation, the numbers we found on deaths of indigenous lesbians
were sparse. We found far less data on the deaths of black lesbians than the
data in government documents regarding the deaths of black women, in
general. Those data were also harder to find than the data on the death of
white lesbians. The more common data to find, provided by the government,
were about general female mortality in the country. It is important to highlight
that we did not find data on those particular deaths of lesbians in many states
and cities. There were many other relevant issues; for instance, it was not
possible to recognise any openly homosexual trans woman among the victims
during this period of time; besides, in some of the murders there were gaps, such
as the impossibility to identify if some cases were brought to court or not. Also
due to these limitations, we consider the inferences we made based on this
study to be unfinished, and the research to still have an experimental character.
After this brief introduction to our work, which can be more thoroughly
scrutinised through the Dossiê itself, I will move on to discuss the publication itself,
as well as its repercussions.
Between March 2018 and August 2019, there were over 30 presentations of the
Dossiê, among which four took place abroad. Almost all of these activities took
place after invitations from lesbian academic groups, lesbian social movements,
and government agencies and entities, such as professional councils and labour
unions with lesbian representatives in their staff. With an average of four
presentations per month, the Dossiê was in four of Brazil’s regions: the North, the
Northeast, the Southeast, and the South. The Central-West was the only region
that did not have any in-person activities.
Each activity was unique, each new place brought surprises and new
exchanges. We are very grateful for all the visibility and recognition, but, above
all, we worry a lot about the reaction we could get from the activities. There is a
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Suane Felippe Soares: Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
great lack of research on this topic. Besides the invitations to present our work,
we were also gifted with academic texts, essays, photographs, installations,
performances, pieces of visual art, songs, rhymes and posters in protests about
lesbocide.
There is nothing unfounded about fearing death and worrying about building
lesbian resistance strategies against the patriarchy, lesbophobia, transphobia,
racism, classism and other oppressions working against lesbian survival. An
interesting academic consequence of the Dossiê was that many lesbians told us
that our work helped them justify to their professors the validity and urgency of
papers on this and other themes in the broad area of Lesbian Studies. Some of
them reported that, before our data were presented, some groups in the
academy were reticent about accepting a study on lesbians. They claimed that
lesbians were not violated, harassed, killed and victimised by hate crimes, for
lesbophobia occurred, fundamentally, in the realm of domestic intra-familiar
violence, thus being a minor form of violence, subjective and practically
irrelevant. Our study stands as a counterpoint to these ideas.
Most of the reactions to the lectures, conferences and courses offered by the
“Lesbocídio: as histórias que ninguém conta” project team were of surprise and
pain; there was also sharing of experiences among different groups of people,
but especially among lesbians – many of whom were unaware of the data, the
numbers and the characteristics of hate crimes we identified in the cases. On
the one hand, the increase in the denunciation of old and new cases was also
a decisive factor associated with our presence in lesbian spaces.
On the other hand, almost all lesbians in those spaces knew the most important
information we had to offer: there was a lack of data. Being conscious of this
lack is more complex than merely understanding its effects and its ways of
perpetuating itself as a lesbocidal tool, as a State policy and as one of the
foundations of the Heterosexual Nation paradigm (Curiel 2013). One of the
fundamental effects of the lack of information is the distancing of lesbians who
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would be very close both ideologically and physically were the circumstances
different. Separated by discrimination and fear of exposure while confined to
their routines, they walk the paths of erased existence, shy and inexpressive. On
our sleeves, we do not wear our lesbian pride nor the fearless feeling of self-
validating unity with other lesbians to build safe spaces for sharing. Instead, we
wear fear, guilt, and rejection that restrict us to silent existences. Lesbian
invisibility comes with a silence about ourselves that makes us a fragmented
category in essence.
As stated by Wittig (2013, 99), lesbians are not women. Despite our due criticism
to the author’s work, it is necessary to understand that, in fact, we are
patriarchy’s mistake (Soares, Peres and Dias 2019, 243) in the class of women
(Curiel and Falquet 2005, 10). I will not delve further into this debate, as it has
already been discussed in other occasions (Soares 2017), but I mention it to
point out that it is impossible to build common ground with the patriarchal
society (Elias and Scotson 2000) to legitimate our existence, as we do not find
support among established patriarchy, in favour of aberrations, failed projects,
or, in other words, in favour of women who are not quite women, who escape
being women, who are not identifiable as women or who do not comply with
the system. Thus, what cannot be legitimate, must be exterminated. Maybe, in
the future, it will be possible to diagnose the condition of the patriarchal mistake
as a motivation for lesbian extermination policies, i.e. the lesbocidal violence
cycle and the types of lesbocide per se (Peres, Soares and Dias 2018, 88).
Analysing the motives for the murders (and the suicides, to a certain extent)
made us notice a complex network of material dangers that lurks around
lesbian lives. We could observe that, even when a lesbian perishes under these
dangers, these deaths are not widely reported, not even within lesbian media
and spaces. As a result, future victims are continually exposed and left without
any investment in their protection nor in tackling the focus of the problem. Lack
of information has many and deep aspects and one of its consequences is the
general ignorance about cycles of violence imposed on lesbians.
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Suane Felippe Soares: Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
Generally speaking, the advent of the concept of lesbocide in the Brazilian
lesbian context, although still not widespread, already represents a conceptual
field for lesbian rights. In particular, the right to life. Once we know the number,
or specificities, of death we are capable of doing a more complex and
complete lesbophobia characterisation as well as a more accurate mapping of
the problems faced daily by lesbians in different contexts.
We can affirm, for instance, that studies on lesbocide were conducted by
university female students in their respective fields of work, with subsequent
presentations of their research on the theme intersecting many fields of
knowledge, such as Law, Psychology, Literature and Linguistics, History,
Marketing, and others. They create solid foundations to identify how lethal
aspects of lesbophobia permeate different spheres of our lives and are being
shaped due to their work. It also alerts us to the fact that we need specific and
conscious approaches to be able to identify and fight these problems.
Throughout our contact with lesbians during these presentations, we could verify
the importance of creating a space focused on the investigation of our pain
and on ourselves in a place of power such as the academy. The research
project Lesbocídio: as histórias que ninguém conta [Lesbocide: The Histories that
No One Tells] ensures support for lesbians, especially for the youngest ones. It
affirms that they must report aggressions, that we are a vulnerable group, that a
lesbian’s lifespan is most probably very low, that once we know the main factors
generating lesbocide, we, as well as the people around us, can comprehend
the daily struggle for our lives and its articulation as a real issue, a material and
serious one.
Over and above the academic impact of the research, we also encountered
social and artistic repercussions. An important element is increasing the visibility
of lesbian deaths, and the promotion of the struggle for lesbian memory in
relation to the names and life trajectories of those who were killed. Protagonists’
acknowledgment in this process is a fundamental element in the construction of
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this struggle. Names like Luana Barbosa, Anne Mickaelly, Mayara Cordeiro,
Rithynha Julia, Clarice Viana, Arianne Cardoso, Eliane Possari, Camila Santos,
just to name a few, were written on the streets in honour of the deceased. Many
mobilisations emerged in the neighbourhoods and regions where those
lesbocides occurred. Often, when we arrived in a city to present the research,
local lesbians already knew the story of local victims and brought us details
about the cases, reporting ongoing mobilisations in the search for justice for
those lesbians.
With this research, we could highlight several ways in which lesbians’ rights are
systematically undermined. Two ways that most interest us now are: (1) the
erasure of our deaths within the law and through decisions regarding lesbocide;
(2) the generalisation of lesbian deaths, as if they were caused by the same
processes that gay and trans deaths are caused. Each category has its own 2
specificities. Not identifying them precludes lesbian exclusive and/or specific
public policies (PPs) of being implemented. As long as PPs keep considering the
lesbian condition (Soares 2017, 94) to be trivial and ignoring our specific
demands, they will never be able to fully meet them.
Lesbian rights need to be guaranteed equitably, taking into account what is
particular about lesbian lives and about the intersections within our lives and
challenges that we need to face in society, as being feminine or not; being
different races; different ages; religions; belonging to different social classes;
different geographical regions; undergoing, or not, a process of physical and/or
mental illness, etc.
Regarding these aspects specifically, it is crucial to recognise the
consubstantiality of invisibilities. It is not possible to think and theorise about
lesbocide without comprehending that this phenomenon happens the way it
does only because it is a contemporary symptom of the historical construction
of systems of oppression in Brazil. That is to say, it occurs in association with
patriarchy. Some other recurrent manifestations of this system of oppression are
the marginalisation of black and indigenous peoples, and of the people living in
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Suane Felippe Soares: Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context
disadvantaged neighbourhoods, and the propagation of eugenic ideologies,
among other issues regarding derogatory stereotypes about poverty and
African and indigenous religious traditions; these issues directly affect lesbians
who belong to these categories.
Brazil has been going through a strong resurgence of conservative waves that
deeply affect lesbian lives. This can be noticed not only through the complex
subjectivities permeating spaces where lesbians transit (schools, workplaces,
family, neighbourhoods, public transportation and so on), but also through
public and explicit speeches from symbolic figures, such as Brazil’s current
president, some of his government officials and their civilian supporters, for
instance. This conservative wave did not start with the seizure of power by the
far-right wing back in 2019, but it reached its peak at this moment due to the
escalation and institutionalisation of lesbophobic policies. It is worth noting that
Brazil’s current president has declared, throughout his career in politics and
during his presidential campaign, including in a recent interview to the media,
that he is proud of being homophobic (Aranda 2018; Barbosa Neto 2011; Brasil
2011; Longo 2019).
This type of ideology that preaches prejudice as something morally acceptable
brings about devastating consequences to lesbian’s lives. At a personal level,
they may cause mental illnesses or the worsening of such ailments, since social
disapproval (Brasil 2013, 21; Carvalho 2015, 35) is a determining element of these
conditions. At the collective and structural level, they compromise lesbian lives
by restricting our public, political, and social representation (Pains 2019; Revista
Veja 2019).
Due to this historical moment, the fight against lesbocide becomes more urgent
and gains a much more complex facet, one that not only consists of the
increased obstacles for institutional and governmental gains, such as PPs and
other initiatives, or the efforts to maintain a few acquired rights. It includes the
fight against a conservative agenda that continuously engenders the
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destruction of the rights we fought to gain, as well as engendering the
marginalisation of representative minorities. The inherent feeling is that the 3
pathways leading to lesbocide are being shortened and that our probabilities of
death are increasing. We are talking about a reconfiguration and strengthening
of lesbophobic violence cycles that affect, to a greater degree and more
rapidly, the most vulnerable lesbians. At the micro-level, we can identify the
impact of emergent conservative ideologies through lesbophobic attacks
against research on the broader theme of lesbian rights. For all these reasons, in
the face of the politicisation of the real effects of a lack of data, the reactions of
most lesbians with whom we were able to meet and talk to, in the last months of
the project, made us realise that we still have a long way to go to deconstruct
lesbophobic ideas about our deaths. Lesbocide is nothing more than a
patriarchal political ideology, and we must claim urgency for a qualified fight
against our extermination.
In this article, I sought to present some considerations on the current state of
research about lesbocide in Brazil, starting from the analysis of this study’s
reception by social movements, governmental agencies, the third sector, the
working class, the academy, and conservative wings of society. Additionally, I
made an effort to contribute the main considerations I was able to bring to aid
in building resistance and confrontation. It is fundamental to emphasise the fact
that black, indigenous, and poor peoples have been suffering the immediate
and worsening effects of new governmental policies. This government, in
addition to being neoliberal, is also strikingly lesbophobic and misogynistic. This
scenario worsens the situation of all lesbians and points to the urgency of the
national and international construction of new tools to guarantee the lives of all
lesbians in Brazil, but especially of those most affected by such policies. It is also
urgent to propagate ideas of valorisation and visibility of non-feminine, black,
indigenous, and feminist lesbians; for instance, to prevent the institutional
reinforcement of a reactionary moral paradigm that is aimed at perverting a
human-rights based moral agenda, and eliminating equity and universal rights
values.
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Rio de Janeiro: Ape´ku.
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Pirilampo.
Elias, Norbert and John. L. Scotson. 2000. Os Estabelecidos e os Outsiders: Sociologia das
Relações de Poder a partir de uma Pequena Comunidade. Translated by Vera Ribeiro.
Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed.
Longo, Ivan. 2019. “100 Dias de Retirada de Direitos e Violência contra a População LGBTI.”
Revista Fórum: outro mundo em debate. April 10. https://revistaforum.com.br/lgbt/100-
dias-de-retirada-de-direitos-e-violencia-contra-a-populacao-lgbti
Pains, Clarissa. 2019. “‘Menino Veste Azul e Menina Veste Rosa’, Diz Damares Alves em Vídeo.” O
Globo. January 3. https://oglobo.globo.com/sociedade/menino-veste-azul-menina-
veste-rosa-diz-damares-alves-em-video-23343024
Peres, Milena C. C., Suane. F. Soares and Maria. C. Dias. 2018. Dossiê Sobre Lesbocídio no Brasil:
de 2014 até 2017. Rio de Janeiro: Livros Ilimitados.
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sites/3/2018/04/Dossiê-sobre-lesbocídio-no-Brasil.pdf
Revista Veja. 2019. “Bolsonaro Veta Propaganda do Banco do Brasil, e Diretor É Afastado.”
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http://revistaepoca.globo.com/Revista/Epoca/0,,EMI245890-15223,00-JAIR+BOLSONARO+SOU+PRECONCEITUOSO+COM+MUITO+ORGULHO.html
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https://oglobo.globo.com/sociedade/menino-veste-azul-menina-veste-rosa-diz-damares-alves-em-video-23343024
https://oglobo.globo.com/sociedade/menino-veste-azul-menina-veste-rosa-diz-damares-alves-em-video-23343024
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https://dossies.agenciapatriciagalvao.org.br/fontes-e-pesquisas/wp-content/uploa
https://dossies.agenciapatriciagalvao.org.br/fontes-e-pesquisas/wp-content/uploa
https://veja.abril.com.br/politica/bolsonaro-veta-propaganda-do-banco-do-brasil-e-diretor-e-afastado
https://veja.abril.com.br/politica/bolsonaro-veta-propaganda-do-banco-do-brasil-e-diretor-e-afastado
https://veja.abril.com.br/politica/bolsonaro-veta-propaganda-do-banco-do-brasil-e-diretor-e-afastado
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp UWI IGDS CRGS Issue 14 ISSN 1995-1108
Soares, Suane. F., Milena. C. C. Peres and M. C. Dias. 2019. “Direitos e Funcionamentos Lésbicos.”
A Perspectiva dos Funcionamentos: Fundamentos Teóricos e Aplicações. Rio de Janeiro:
Ape´ku.
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Janeiro.” PhD diss. Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.
Soihet, Rachel. 2005. “Zombaria como Arma Antifeminista: Instrumento Conservador entre
Libertários.” Rev. Estudos Feministas 13 (3): 591-612.
Sousa, Josueida de Carvalho. 2015. “Cuidados do Enfermeiro à Mulher Lésbica na Estratégia de
Saúde da Família.” Master’s thesis. Federal University of Pernambuco.
https://repositorio.ufpe.br/bitstream/123456789/15418/1/
DISSERTAÇÃO%20Josueida%20de%20Carvalho%20Sousa.pdf
Wittig, Monique. 2010. El Pensamiento Heterosexual y Otros Ensayos. Translated by Javier Sáez
and Paco Vidarte. Madrid: Editorial Egales Sl.
E.N.: See https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/en/direitos-humanos/noticia/2018-08/lesbians-still-made-1
invisible-and-plagued-violence-brazil
Currently, the records on the murders of trans people usually mention only the fact that they were trans 2
people. Their sexual orientations, for example, remain unknown. There are remarkable differences
regarding the types of oppression that each category suffers when it comes to death processes; this is also
influenced by the fact that the same person can be in more than one of the groups of the LGBTQI +
acronym.
E.N: “Representative minorities” are groups of people that, despite being large in number and, sometimes, 3
the majority of a country’s population, are social minorities – and have few representatives – in political
spaces of power. In the Brazilian context, representative minorities would be, for example: Black people,
indigenous people, women, LGBTQI+ people and so on. As of Lula administration, from the Worker’s Party
(Partido dos Trabalhadores), some federal initiatives to increase the political representation of such groups
were created, but most were dismantled by the following administrations. Currently, there are initiatives of
this kind in many states, cities and towns in Brazil, maybe because of the debates that arose because of
Lula’s initiatives and the struggles of the Workers’ Movement, the Black Movement, the Indigenous
Movement, the Women’s Movement and the LGBTQI+ Movement – which pushed former president Lula to
act in the first place.
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https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/en/direitos-humanos/noticia/2018-08/lesbians-still-made-invisible-and-plagued-violence-brazil
https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/en/direitos-humanos/noticia/2018-08/lesbians-still-made-invisible-and-plagued-violence-brazil
https://repositorio.ufpe.br/bitstream/123456789/15418/1/DISSERTA%C3%87%C3%83O
https://repositorio.ufpe.br/bitstream/123456789/15418/1/DISSERTA%C3%87%C3%83O
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Renata Carneiro Vieira and Rita Helena Borret: Main Questions from Brazilian Family Physicians
on Lesbians and Bisexual Women’s Healthcare
Main Questions from Brazilian Family
Physicians on Lesbians and Bisexual
Women’s Healthcare
Renata Carneiro Vieira
Family Physician
State Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Rita Helena Borret
Family Physician
Municipal Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Bruna Barros
& Jess Oliveira
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RitaHelenaBorret.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp UWI IGDS CRGS Issue 14 ISSN 1995-1108
Acknowledgements
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira.
Abstract
In Brazil, being a lesbian or a bisexual woman represents an important social
determinant of health. An important aspect of the health-sickness process is the
non-recognition by lesbians and bisexual women of the healthcare system as a
possible safe environment. This is due both to the LGBT-phobia they face in
health units and to the lack of knowledge and training skills by health
professionals on the specificities of this population. It is important to
acknowledge that this community is in the intersection of at least two different
social oppressions: sexism and heteronormativity. This article aims to systematise
the main doubts and questions of family physicians, medical residents, and
students from Brazil concerning the care of LGBT people at the primary
healthcare level, in order to stimulate and guide training activities with this
theme both in undergraduate and postgraduate courses as well as in
continuing education for health professionals.
Keywords: Lesbians; Primary health care; Medical education.
How to cite
Vieira, Renata Carneiro and Rita Helena Borret. 2020. “Main Questions from Brazilian Family
Physicians on Lesbians and Bisexual Women’s Healthcare”. Caribbean Review of Gender
Studies, Issue 14: 139–152.
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Renata Carneiro Vieira and Rita Helena Borret: Main Questions from Brazilian Family Physicians
on Lesbians and Bisexual Women’s Healthcare
Introduction
In the elaboration of this paper, the authors have decided to use the acronym
LGBT when referring to all the diversity of gender identity and sexual orientation
present in our society. This decision is in accordance with the Lesbian, Gay,
Bisexual and Transgender's (LGBT) National Health Policy, launched by the
Brazilian Ministry of Health in 2011 (Brasil 2011b).
Primary Health Care (PHC) is the first level of contact for individuals, families and
the community with the healthcare system. It is responsible for the health care
network’s coordination and the provision of longitudinal and integral care. In
addition to these essential attributions, PHC also proposes family approach,
community orientation, and cultural competence as its derived attributions. It
dedicates its services to individuals, families, and communities, having as
obligation the approaches of social determinants of health (Stewart et al. 2010).
Family Medicine (FM) is the medical specialty that, within the scope of Primary
Health Care, proposes an integral approach to the person, considering all
aspects that interfere in the health-sickness process, including familiar,
community and social contexts (McWhinney and Freemann 2010). Therefore, FM
is the most appropriate medical specialty to handle and coordinate the
healthcare of lesbians and bisexual women considering its complexity.
The healthcare of lesbians and bisexual women is an unusual topic through
medical schools curricula (Negreiros et al. 2019), even though the National
Curriculum Guidelines (NCG) for medical education, published in 2014 (Brasil
2014), state that:
The student will be trained to always consider the dimensions of biological,
subjective, ethnic-racial, gender, sexual orientation, socioeconomic,
political, environmental, cultural, ethical diversity, and other aspects
composing the spectrum of human diversity that uniquely characterises
each person and each social group (Brasil 2014, 8).
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In the Brazilian competency-based curriculum (Lermen 2015) for Family and
Community physicians, LGBT healthcare and sexuality both appear as essential
assignments:
To manage in a timely manner the demands related to human sexuality,
sexual identity, homosexuality, transsexuality, sexuality in special situations
(physically rehabilitated, people with mental illnesses or disabilities;
pregnancy and postpartum; seropositive; advanced clinical diseases)
and sexual prejudice situations (homophobia, heterosexism) (Lermen
2015, 60).
Even though these aforesaid excerpts represent important progress, they are still
very limited. In order to truly address these subjects entirely, it is essential to
acknowledge and recognise LGBT-phobia as a social determinant of health
(Brasil 2011b) and to take into account the specificities of each group within this
community.
Family Medicine applies the patient-centred clinical method as a tool to
improve the doctor-patient interaction. This method consists of six components
(Stewart et al. 2010): (1) Exploring illness and disease (personal experiences with
the sickness process), (2) Understanding the person in its individual, familiar and
community context, (3) Developing a shared plan of care for the problems
identified, (4) Incorporating health prevention and health promotion, (5)
Intensifying the relationship between patient and physician, (6) Being realistic.
This method allows an improved comprehension of the suffering and illness
processes. However, the method on its own is unable to meet the demands of
the LGBT community, because, first and foremost, it is necessary to understand
gender identity and sexual orientation as social determinants of health,
recognizing aspects related to the causes of sickness of this community in a cis-
heteronormative society. Furthermore, it is necessary to acknowledge the
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cultural and scientific lack of information about this community in order to offer
it comprehensive health care.
Aware of this situation, since 2017 we have been offering not only family
physicians but also FM residents and medical students several training activities
concerning lesbians’ and bisexual women’s health. The major purpose of this
training is to present the specificities of these communities. These activities have
not been focused on sexual behaviours and practices only; they also address
networks support, mental health, reproductive health, and preventive disease
screening.
The Workshop
The Brazilian National Society of Family Medicine (SBMFC) is a scientific institution
that brings together family physicians throughout the country as well as general
physicians that work in various Primary Health Care scenarios. The institution
arranges the National Conference of Family Medicine every other year. In the
organization of this event, the numerous Working Groups (WG) - groups of family
physicians and SBMFC’s collaborators - participate in the elaboration of the
scientific programme. The WG’s purposes are to improve the quality of
healthcare assistance, to promote professional development and to develop
scientific criticism and research on specific topics of interest.
At the 14th Brazilian Conference of Family Medicine in Curitiba, the ́Gender,
Sexuality, Diversity and Rights WG organised a workshop entitled “Homem com
homem, mulher com mulher: o que você precisa saber e outras conversas
sobre pessoas homossexuais” [Man with man, woman with woman: what you
need to know and other conversations about homosexual people]. The aim was
to discuss issues related to specificities in the health-sickness process and health
demands of the homosexual community with family physicians, medical
students and other health professionals. Although initially designed to specifically
address issues related to homosexuality and bisexuality, several topics related to
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gender identity and the LGBT community in general ended up arising and were
also included in the activity.
During the workshop, participants were given blank tags and encouraged to
anonymously write any questions concerning the health of women who have
sex with women and men who have sex with men. This method has been
chosen in order to make it easier for the public to talk about sex and sexuality,
since it is still a taboo. This way, people could genuinely ask what they do not
know. The WG then tried to raise and clarify the main questions the audience
had made on the subject.
The WG members who had organised the activity answered the questions
throughout the activity. Together with the audience, they had a debate on
scientific literature on the theme in which the participants were enabled to
share their personal and professional experiences. Due to the great demand,
this activity was offered several times at different national and regional
conferences and seminars throughout the country.
Objective
In order to help the development of teaching and training activities to a more
comprehensive and equitable care for lesbians and bisexual women in the
primary healthcare system, this paper organises and acknowledges the main
doubts and questions raised among family physicians during workshops carried
out between 2017 and 2019. We have chosen to analyse questions on lesbian
and bisexual women. This choice was made in acknowledgment of the
invisibility they suffer. We do realise that this phenomenon occurs due to the
intersection of social oppressions suffered while being women and non-
heterosexual. In addition to that, other intersections can interact in the health-
sickness process such as race, social class, age, capability and so on.
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Methods
This paper is a retrospective study that aims to analyse questions raised in two
different editions of the same workshop. The questions can be understood as a
convenience sample. The questions were formulated and gathered during two
national editions of the workshop. One in Curitiba (2017) and another in Cuiabá
(2019). We have decided to organise the questions to understand which are the
main doubts of family physicians and medical students concerning the
healthcare assistance for lesbians and bisexual women. We selected the
questions asked at these events because of their wider range and
heterogeneous audiences. In total, 349 people attended both workshop
editions. Family physicians, medical students and other primary healthcare
professionals were able to present their doubts and difficulties regarding the
approach, care, and clinical management of the non-heterosexual community.
The questions related exclusively to gay and/or bisexual men or specifically
related to gender identity were not used in this systematization. Of the 221
readable questions received, 56 (25.33%) were excluded and the other 172
were used as the basis of this study. The questions were initially split between two
different categories: (1) Lesbians and Bisexual Women Specificities and (2)
General LGBT Population Specificities. After this first subdivision, the questions
were analysed and combined by repetition and/or affinity of the covered
subjects. In each subgroup, the questions were grouped in five different
subcategories, each of which represents specific aspects of healthcare.
Results
The CBMFC workshop in 2017 had a total audience of 250 people, while the
workshop in 2019 had 99 participants. In the sum of the two editions, women’s
participation (220) was 99% higher than that of men (111), as shown in Table 1. If
we analyse gender and sexual orientation combined, the group that sought the
most from the workshop was heterosexual women (156), followed by
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homosexual men (66) and bisexual women (41). Of the 172 questions analysed,
93 of them (54.06%) concerned the health specificities of lesbians and bisexuals;
79 (45.93%) posed broader questions related to the entire LGBT population.
Table 1: Gender Distribution and Sexual Orientation of CBMFC Participants in 2017 and 2019
After a thematic analysis, both general and specific questions on lesbians and
bisexual women were divided into five categories: (1) Non-heteronormative
Approach, (2) LGBT-phobia as a Social Determinant of Health, (3) Conduct
against LGBT-phobia, (4) Approach to Sexuality and (5) Sexual practices, STIs
and Barrier Methods. The category “Sexual practices, STIs and Barrier Methods”
corresponds to 54.65% of the questions, followed by “Approach to Sexuality,”
with 17.44%, and “Non-heteronormative Approach,” with 11.62% of the
questions.
Among the questions addressed to the whole LGBT population, 31.64% of them
cover “Approach to Sexuality” and 16.45% cover “Conduct against LGBT-
phobia.” The “Non-heteronormative Approach” category includes questions on
the approach of the healthcare professional as well as the staff and other
members of the health unit. In the Conduct against LGBT-phobia category, most
questions dealt with difficulties to address the LGBT person's family of origin.
Among the questions on “Approach to Sexuality,” in addition to general doubts
and difficulties on how to perform this approach in the ambulatory setting, there
were also questions on the sexuality of children, adolescents and the elderly.
Furthermore, there were questions related to the healthcare professional’s
sexuality and how it can interfere in the relationship established with patients.
Homosexual Bisexual Heterosexual Total
Fenale 23 41 156 220
Male 66 11 34 111
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Finally, among the questions on “Sexual Practice,” many HIV related questions
appeared.
Concerning questions that specifically relate to lesbians and bisexual women,
the largest number belong to the category “Sexual practices, STIs, and Barrier
Methods,” summing 90.32% of the questions. Among the questions on
“Approach to Sexuality,” there are general questions about bisexuality, and
again, about the healthcare professional’s own sexuality. Most of the questions
about “Sexual Practices, Barrier Methods, and STIs” were about sexually
transmitted infections and possible barrier methods in sex between women.
These included doubts about specific barrier methods for oral sex as well as
queries related to the cytopathological screening programme for lesbian and
bisexual women, and questions about sexual practices.
Discussion
The great number of people interested in the workshops shows how much this
subject has been neglected in medical education but also how much of it is
already identified by healthcare professionals as relevant for their practice. The
plurality of topics covered in the questions draws special attention since they
went from the discussion on the sexuality of the child, the adolescent and the
elderly, through the process of development and disclosure of sexual identity
and the familiar and community dynamics related to these processes, to issues
related to family planning, STI prevention and care to the health impacts of
LGBT-phobia throughout life, etc. This diversity shows how fundamental it is for
lesbians’ and bisexual women’s integral healthcare to be given in the Primary
Healthcare level by a family physician as part of a multi-professional team.
The intense difficulty in addressing sexuality in general is noteworthy. Addressing
sexuality seems to be a big taboo in clinical meetings, either because of
embarrassment, lack of practice and/or knowledge or by fear of how this
approach might be perceived by the person-seeking healthcare. This fact
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reflects the lack of spaces for discussion about this essential aspect of medical
training and postgraduate education and practice.
There were many questions regarding the sexuality of health professionals
themselves, about the process of building up their sexual identity and how it
interferes in the patient-physician relationship. These questions refer to another
aspect of medical education: the lack of safe environments to discuss self-
knowledge, self-perception, the subjectivities of health professionals, and their
impacts on patient-physician relationships. Providing healthcare is not an
aseptic duty. Recognizing it means understanding the need to make room for
the physicians’ subjectivities.
There were many doubts concerning sexual intercourse between women. This
fact points once again to the lack of knowledge and unfamiliarity with these
sexual practices and, consequently, with aspects related to the transmission of
STIs, including the use of barrier methods. Understanding that non-penetrative
sexual practices exist, both men can pursue realising the variety of possibilities
for sexual pleasure without penises, and accepting that anal pleasure, and
women seem to be major challenges for physicians in training and those
already graduated. The medical fraternity’s non-recognition of sexual practices
among women has stimulated the discourse over the years that there is no risk of
STI transmission among them (Saúde 2006). This untrue statement has stimulated
risky behaviour among women who have sex with women. Moreover, very little
progress has been made towards thinking about specific barrier methods for
lesbian sexual practices.
The number of questions regarding the relationship of LGBT people with their
families of origin suggests how important it is to address this issue within LGBT’s
medical care. The family, often seen as a safe environment provider and
people’s main support network, can also present itself as a source of suffering
and illness, further weakening the LGBT person (Saúde 2006). Still regarding
family relationships, we have realised that, among the medical community,
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there is little knowledge about legislation, reproductive rights and family
planning for LGBT people.
Another important aspect in the set of specific questions is the apparent conflict
in recognizing and understanding bisexuality. All questions about bisexuality
were on whether it is a stage of confusion and/or transition between
heterosexuality and homosexuality or whether the person can be considered
more or less bisexual accordingly to the frequency with which they change
partners. This difficulty is a source of great suffering for the entire bisexual
population and for rejection of this group by homosexuals and heterosexuals. It
also shows how much society is still held hostage to binary thinking and unable
to dialogue with the fluid and complex dynamics that characterise us as
individuals and permeate our affective/sexual/romantic relationships.
One last question worth thinking about is why there is a greater visibility of gay
men within the LGBT movement and how lesbian and bisexual agendas tend to
be silenced. Recognizing the intersectionality of oppressions is an important
factor in approaching diversity with equity. That is why it is noteworthy that,
although gender oppression and sexual orientation were approached in the
questions, no question addressed oppressions such as race or class, which act
directly on the health and illness process of the Brazilian population.
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Conclusion
The National Policy for Integral Health of the LGBT Population (Brasil 2011b),
launched in 2013 because of the great struggle of social movements, has been
facing great difficulties in being implemented in the health services around the
country, either due to the lack of knowledge about the Policy or the lack of
institutional incentive to do so. It is noticeable that there is a large gap between
the health needs of lesbians and bisexual women and the technical-scientific
capacity of health professionals, especially family physicians, to respond to this
demand. This hiatus is fuelled by the still strong presence of sexism and cis-
heteronormativity which hinder the development of medical knowledge. The
great demand for specific training activities on the LGBT community
demonstrates that this knowledge gap is increasingly being noticed. It points out
the need for expansion and diffusion of existing information, as well as for further
research on the subject, mainly for the specificities of the Brazilian lesbian and
bisexual population.
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Porto Alegre: Artmed.
Negreiros, Flávia et al. 2019. “Saúde de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais: da
Formação Médica à Atuação Profissional.” Revista Brasileira de Educação Médica 43
(1): 23-31.
Raimond, Gustavo, Danilo Paulino and Sérgio Zaidhaft. 2017. “Corpos Que (Não) Importam na
Prática Médica - Gênero e Sexualidade no Currículo Médico.” Seminário Internacional
Fazendo Gênero 11 & 13th Women’s Worlds Congress (Anais Eletrônicos): 1-9.
http://www.wwc2017.eventos.dype.com.br/resources/anais/
1498877123_ARQUIVO_TextoCompletoFazendooGenero-GustavoARaimondi.pdf
Rufino, Andréa, Alberto Madeiro and Manoel Girão. 2013. “O Ensino da Sexualidade nos Cursos
Médicos: a Percepção de Estudantes do Piauí.” Revista Brasileira de Educação Médica
37 (2): 178-185.
Saúde, Rede Feminista de. Rede Nacional Feminista de Saúde, Direitos Sexuais e Direitos
Reprodutivos - Rede Feminista de Saúde. 2006. Dossiê Saúde das Mulheres Lésbicas:
Promoção da Equidade e da Integralidade. Belo Horizonte.
Starfield, Barbara. 2002. Atenção Primária: Equilíbrio entre Necessidades de Saúde, Serviços e
Tecnologia. Brasília: UNESCO, Ministério da Saúde.
Stewart, Moira, Judith Brown, Wayne Weston et al. 2010. Medicina Centrada na Pessoa -
Transformando o Método Clínico. Porto Alegre: Artmed.
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Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca Fontes: The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual
Women at São Paulo’s Carnival
The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians
and Bisexual Women at São Paulo’s
Carnival
Barbara Falcão
Family Physician
State Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Milena Fonseca Fontes
Family Physician
Municipal Health Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Caroline Santos
Cintia Rodrigues
Marina Pandeló
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Caroline Santos, Cintia Rodrigues and
Marina Pandeló
Abstract
The Siriricando Block is a carnival block of lesbian and bisexual protagonism that
has been out on the streets of downtown São Paulo, Brazil, since 2016. Founded
by a group of lesbians and bisexual women, Siriricando seeks to promote spaces
for socializing and strengthening of the lesbian and bisexual identities, sexual
freedom, and awareness of the reproduction of prejudices existing in Brazil’s
sexist and patriarchal society. Welcoming to the entire LGBTQIA+ community, it is
based on lesbian and feminist protagonism and visibility. We reframe the lyrics of
well-known Brazilian carnival songs in a creative and funny way. Siriricando also
promotes the coalition and collaboration of artists from different areas, since it is
organized in a network through collaborative work. It also seeks forms of social
intervention through awareness and creative economy in the events it holds.
Since 2016, it seeks to act politically and socially beyond carnival in the Brazilian
context (which has been experiencing an authoritarian setback).
Keywords: Lesbians; Feminism; Carnival; Street Carnival; Siriricando Block
How to cite
Falcão. Barbara and Milena Fonseca Fontes. 2020. “The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and
Bisexual Women at São Paulo’s Carnival”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14:
153-168.
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Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca Fontes: The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual
Women at São Paulo’s Carnival
“The connections between and among women are
the most fearful, the most problematic and the most
potentially transformative force on the planet.”
Adrienne Rich 1993
1 The Birth of the Siriricando Block
The Siriricando Block is a carnival group that has been participating in the street
carnival of São Paulo, Brazil, for four years. The Block is also a way of lesbian 1
and bisexual women’s resistance, as well as a movement for visibility that
welcomes LGBTQIA+ communities. Our group seeks to create safe and
comfortable spaces in which everybody is able to express their identities and
sexual freedom through joy, fun, and art, as long as they understand and
respect the fact that lesbians and bisexual women are the protagonists in the
Block. The Siriricando carnival Block was founded in May 2016, in São Paulo,
Brazil, by a small group of lesbians and bisexual women from the most diverse
backgrounds. This self-organized and independent group decided to start a
carnival block that would promote alterity and, at the same time, be a space
for fun and sociability. We understand the block as a political act of visibility and
resistance based on three pillars: lesbian and feminist protagonism and visibility
through alliances, collaboration of artists from different areas, and the
promotion of social intervention through awareness and creative economy.
2 Lesbian Protagonism and Visibility
For the Siriricando Block, it is important to create spaces that promote the
lesbian and bisexual identities and coexistence to prevent the reproduction of
prejudices by emphasizing the pride of being what we are and empowering
female sexual freedom within a sexist and patriarchal society (Delphy 2009).
These identities and this freedom are celebrated and emphasized in various
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ways in the performance of Siriricando. Starting with its name: Siriricando was
chosen from a survey done on the Block’s Facebook fan page, in which several
names were suggested. After a few weeks of voting, the name Siriricando was
chosen. In Brazilian Portuguese, it is slang for female masturbation and
represents women’s freedom, especially women’s sexual freedom. This initiative
of an open vote to choose the Block’s name meets the ideals of horizontality,
collaboration and collective participation that guided our actions from the very
beginning. The name is also a parody of a well-known Brazilian carnival song
called “Sassaricando.” 2
The parodies created and played by the group in the parade and other events
comprehend another dimension in which we exercise this visibility and freedom,
re-signifying famous carnival songs. Through humorous lyrics related to the
experience of lesbians and bisexual women, the marchinhas express our
feminist, political and libertarian thinking. One of the parodies named “Women 3
aren’t objects” illustrates this approach.
“Você pensa que mulher é coisa?
Mulher não é coisa não!
Coisa você domina
No meu corpo cê não manda não!
Eu sou a dona da minha vida
Amo quem eu quiser [...]
Não preciso de marido
Disso eu até acho graça
Só não quero que me falte
As amigas e as sapatas”
Siriricando
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“Do you think women are objects?
Women are not objects!
Objects can be dominated
You don’t rule my body!
I own my life
love whomever I want [...]
I don’t need a husband
I even find the idea funny
I just don’t want to be missing
My friends and the sapatas” 4
Siriricando
These lyrics describe the need for autonomy over our bodies in a context in
which we defend our agendas, fighting for decriminalization of abortion and
against rape culture. Another recent parody composed by the group refers to
the conservative wave that is growing strongly in Brazil as we resist and call for
unity and struggle in the affirmation of our identity:
Mesmo que haja ditadura
Na minha vida ninguém manda não
Vivendo feliz com meus gatos
Tendo orgulho de ser sapatão
Apesar da lesbifobia
Vamos gritar e vamos ser ouvidas
Sozinha ou com as amigas
Vamos resistindo
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Even if there is a dictatorship
Nobody but me is in charge of my life
Living happily with my cats
Taking pride in being a sapatão
Despite lesbiphobia 5
We will shout and we will be heard
Alone or with our friends
We resist
They also include topics like female sexual freedom and pleasure, with a funny
approach that describes the pride of being a woman while still facing the fear
and repression imposed on us by the sexist patriarchal culture:
As mina bi quer chupar xoxota
As hétera quer ver como é que é
Tudo já se lambeu, estão todas se esfregando
E a sapatão sou eu
É muito bom ser mulher
The bisexual chicks want to eat pussy
The straight ones want to see what it is like
They all licked each other already and are now
rubbing themselves
And I am the sapatão one here
It’s great to be a woman
Female sexual freedom is also depicted in the Block’s logo that displays the
group’s name around a winged vulva. This symbol is an important metaphor for
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the group’s libertarian and political attitude, through fun and pleasure, as
explained in our fan page description, which we also consider as our manifesto:
[...] just like masturbation, the group is free and accessible to any woman
who has a/and/or likes pussy. Nothing else matters besides your desire to
have fun and to enjoy yourself in a free and safe space, secured by the
strength and power of all the “chicks” that come together to enjoy
carnival and have it as pleasurable as a siririca. That is why our symbol 6
could not be different – a pussy with wings – representing the freedom
that we want all women (lesbian, bisexual, trans, cis, nonbinary, straight)
to feel, not only at the party, but anywhere they feel like landing and
resting their wings. May the wings take the pussies away from
harassment, prejudice, and fear, and, rather, take it to places of unique
pleasure where all pussies can love and pamper themselves with the
wonderful joy that carnival provides: a moment that only women decide
and command the limit of their own pleasure (Bloco Siriricando’s Official
Facebook Page 2020).
Image 1. Logo
A graphic designer named Natê Miranda created this logo and its concept, as
well as the entire visual identity of the Block. The participation of several people
is what makes our existence possible, we are a self-organized group, which
means we rely on our volunteers to make it happen.
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3 Organizational and Artistic Collaboration
Siriricando has already paraded in four carnivals (2017, 2018, 2019 and 2020) in
São Paulo’s downtown. In addition to the organizational work, we raise funds for
expenses such as logistics, food and for renting a sound-equipped truck for the
parade. Since we have neither public nor private sponsorship, our parade has
only been possible so far thanks to the militant work of the Block’s members, in
addition to the support of the people who believe in the Siriricando’s concept.
2017 was our debut year at the carnival and we paraded with a moving truck
powered by a generator we borrowed from a partner theatre. To raise funds, we
made and sold T-shirts with the Block’s logo. We also held fundraising parties at
the lesbian bar Cantinho Rosa, in downtown São Paulo, which unfortunately
went bankrupt in 2018.
Image 2 . 2017 Parade. Source: Facebook.
Although we have collaborated with artists from the lesbian music scene in São
Paulo, such as the rap singer Luana Hansen and the Obirin Trio band, we were
unable to form a percussion group in the first two parades. This happened
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mainly due to the lack of instruments, which prevented the participation of
many people who were interested in becoming part of the Block. Therefore, for
the first two years, we sang our marchinhas accompanied by an electronic
background song we downloaded from the internet.
In the second year, we were able to rent a sound-equipped truck with funds
obtained from the sale of drinks and food at parties which were held in a house
provided by a union entity where one of our members used to work. This is the
moment when we saw our audience starting to grow.
Image 3. 2018 Parade. Source: Facebook
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In the third year, one of our members organised, collected and fixed instruments
donated by a school. This is how we started our percussion group and added
musicians, in a gradual construction promoted by mutual strengthening
generated by both music and the unity of people in the collective.
Image 4. 2019 Parade. Source: Facebook
To raise funds in 2019, in addition to the parties, we also carried out a
crowdfunding, offering rewards such as mugs, T-shirts, and soaps with the
Siriricando’s logo, as well as other services and products. Lesbian and bisexual
collaborators, who maintain the network that supports Siriricando that allows us
to have a social impact, provided them all.
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4 Awareness and Creative Economy
Through the participation, partnership and love in our collective, the Siriricando
Block has been growing gradually and gaining more visibility. We are, therefore,
able to take other actions and organize more events within our collective. At our
events, in addition to the presentation of our percussion group, we offer space
and establish partnerships with other artists from São Paulo’s scene, such as
samba and forró bands with musicians who identify as women. We also hold
small fairs so women who produce some kind of art or product are able to offer
those items to the public.
In both 2019 and 2020’s crowdfunding, we offered products and services made
exclusively by lesbians and bisexual women. Thus, in addition to resources for the
Block, we contribute to the creative economy network by seeking to increase
the income of our partners, either through sales at our events, or through the
visibility of their brands within our community.
Another initiative is the series of talks and workshops held at our events. We have
already dealt with issues such as harm reduction and lesbians’ and bisexual
women’s sexual health. We have also promoted self-defence workshops for
women and we are always looking for new partnerships, as well as offering
space to those who want to share their expertise with us.
We have established partnerships with collectives such as Meu Clitóris, Minhas
Regras [My Clitoris, My Rules], Coletivo Louva Deusas [Praising the Goddesses],
Pelvika [Pelvik], Espaço Esponja [Sponge Space] and other LGBTQIA+ blocks. 7
Another carnival block that also promotes lesbian and bisexual visibility and
started in the same year as Siriricando, the Siga Bem Caminhoneira [Have a
Good Journey, Truckwoman] block, achieved greater visibility due to
sponsorship and a percussion group composed only by women. They hold 8
exclusive events for women and their audience is younger, unlike Siriricando
which has an audience made up of women over 25 and holds events open for
all. Despite these differences, the two blocks help each other in the
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dissemination of events and participate together in protests and official events
within the lesbian community, such as the Lesbian Walk, which takes place the
day before the LGBTIA+ Pride Parade, or the Day of Lesbian Visibility, on 28
August.
It is our understanding that, through unity, mutual support and collaboration
between different women and women’s collectives, we increase our power of
representation, enabling our message of freedom and welcoming spirit to reach
more people who identify with us and would like to unite their voices against
sexism, oppression, harassment, violence, racism, lesbophobia and biphobia.
5 Final Considerations
Brazil is a country with high rates of violence against women and the LGBTIA+
community. It maintains a culture based on patriarchal and racist values that
place women, especially lesbians, bisexuals, Afro-Indigenous and non-feminine
women, in positions of inferiority and vulnerability. This conservative discourse
gained even more strength in 2019, with the election of a president who openly
expresses homophobic, sexist and racist opinions. Due to this whole context,
which has only gotten worse since the time of the Block’s creation, we also aim
to act politically, through our libertarian discourse, defying these reactionary
values, in addition to assuring, with the strength and unity of our collective,
security against violence and harassment in our events.
Through dialogue, we try to solve any problems that may come up during the
parade, including marchinhas that alert potential harassers and, if this does not
work, the idea is that each one will protect the other and everyone will protect
us all, and collectively we can guarantee our safety. Especially on parade days,
we advise the Block’s members and the public to be aware and remain aware
of their friends as well as to report any problem to the staff. Fortunately, dialogue
and communication have worked in every event up to this date, because in the
events and on street carnival, the public is mostly formed by lesbians and
bisexual women, and the small portion of men who are present listen to the
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messages given on the microphone about the presence and protagonism of
these women in that space.
Therefore, we believe that being a feminist, promoting lesbian identity and
singing openly about sexuality is a political act. Going out in the streets and
defending this discourse is a form of resistance (Buitoni and Lopes 2018). Art,
pleasure, humour, and the celebration of sexual freedom and love in its various
forms are our ways of fighting against all the oppression to which we are still
subject. Resistance with music, dance and joy is our way of showing that we are
alive and that we will keep on fighting and occupying the streets with our
dissident voices and bodies, for being free is having no fear, as Nina Simone
said.
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References
Brasil. Ministério da Educação. Conselho Nacional de Educação. Câmara de Educação
Superior. 2014. “Resolução Nº. 3 de 20 de junho de 2014.” Diário Oficial da União,
Brasília, DF, 23 jun. 2014; Seção 1: 8-11.
———. Ministério da Saúde. Secretaria de Atenção à Saúde. Departamento de Ações
Programáticas Estratégicas. 2011a. Política Nacional de Atenção Integral à Saúde da
Mulher: Princípios e Diretrizes. Brasília: Editora do Ministério da Saúde.
———.Ministério da Saúde. 2011b. “Portaria Nº 2.836, de 1º de dezembro de 2011.” Diário Oficial
da União, Brasília, DF, 2 dez. 2011; Seção 1: 35.
Cardoso, Michelle and Luís Felipe Ferro. 2012. “Saúde e População LGBT: Demandas e
Especificidades em Questão.” Psicologia: Ciência e Profissão 32 (3): 552-563.
Lermen, Nulvio. ed. Sociedade Brasileira de Medicina de Família e Comunidade (SBMFC). 2015.
Currículo Baseado em Competências para Medicina de Família e Comunidade.
http://www.sbmfc.org.br/wp-content/uploads/media/
Curriculo%20Baseado%20em%20Competencias(1).pdf
McWhinney, Ian and Thomas Freemann. 2010. Manual de Medicina de Família e Comunidade.
Porto Alegre: Artmed.
Negreiros, Flávia et al. 2019. “Saúde de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais: da
Formação Médica à Atuação Profissional.” Revista Brasileira de Educação Médica 43
(1): 23-31.
Raimond, Gustavo, Danilo Paulino and Sérgio Zaidhaft. 2017. “Corpos Que (Não) Importam na
Prática Médica - Gênero e Sexualidade no Currículo Médico.” Seminário Internacional
Fazendo Gênero 11 & 13th Women’s Worlds Congress (Anais Eletrônicos): 1-9.
http://www.wwc2017.eventos.dype.com.br/resources/anais/
1498877123_ARQUIVO_TextoCompletoFazendooGenero-GustavoARaimondi.pdf
Rufino, Andréa, Alberto Madeiro and Manoel Girão. 2013. “O Ensino da Sexualidade nos Cursos
Médicos: a Percepção de Estudantes do Piauí.” Revista Brasileira de Educação Médica
37 (2): 178-185.
Saúde, Rede Feminista de. Rede Nacional Feminista de Saúde, Direitos Sexuais e Direitos
Reprodutivos - Rede Feminista de Saúde. 2006. Dossiê Saúde das Mulheres Lésbicas:
Promoção da Equidade e da Integralidade. Belo Horizonte.
Starfield, Barbara. 2002. Atenção Primária: Equilíbrio entre Necessidades de Saúde, Serviços e
Tecnologia. Brasília: UNESCO, Ministério da Saúde.
Stewart, Moira, Judith Brown, Wayne Weston et al. 2010. Medicina Centrada na Pessoa -
Transformando o Método Clínico. Porto Alegre: Artmed.
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Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca Fontes: The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual
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T.N.: Siriricando is a combination of a slang for female masturbation, “finger-fucking,” and a carnival song, 1
“Sassaricando.” The straightforward translation would be Finger-fucking Carnival Block. However, we will
continue using the word Siriricando throughout the article due to its essence and playful combination of
words.
Parody of the song “Sassaricando” to which the Block was named after. Sassaricar is an archaic slang for 2
dancing and having fun. All lyrics and audio can be found on the social networks of Bloco Siriricando.
“Sassaricando.” Composed by Luiz Antonio / Oldemar Magalhães / Zé Mario. See: https://
www.letras.mus.br/marchinhas-de-carnaval/473888/.
T.N.: marchinhas are traditional Brazilian carnival songs; “libertarian” in the sense of honouring collective 3
free will.
T.N.: variation of sapatão.4
T.N.: made-up word that means both lesbophobia and biphobia.5
T.N.: siririca is a slang for vaginal masturbation.6
E.N.: Coletivo Louva Deusas is a play with words. In Portuguese, the praying mantis is called “louva-a-7
deus,” literally “prays to god.” Thus, Louva Deusas means, literally, “prays to goddesses.”
E.N.: Siga Bem Caminhoneiro [Have a Good Journey, Truckman] was a Brazilian TV show dedicated to 8
truckers and their life on the road. Among many other terms, sapatonas are also called – and refer to
themselves as – caminhoneiras [truckwoman, trucker] among their peers. There are some reasons behind
this association. For example, the similarity between the stereotypes about sapatonas’ and truckers’ way of
dressing (flannel shirts, caps, boots) and the aptitude for living on the road (since sapatonas are known for
frequently having long distance relationships). All of this made the old TV show’s name become a joke in
the lesbian/sapatona community. Hence the block’s name, Siga Bem Caminhoneira [Have a Good
Journey, Truckwoman]. Additionally, “Siga Bem Caminhoneira” can also be interpreted as “keep on being
very caminhoneira.”
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Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas: The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory Reproduction of Masculinity
The Colonisation of Non-feminine
Lesbian Experiences as a Mechanism
for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory
Reproduction of Masculinity 1
Dayana Brunetto
Postdoctoral Fellow in Education
& Professor of Didactics
Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), Brazil
&
Léo Ribas
National Coordinator, Rede Lésbi Brasil
State Coordinator, Liga Brasileira de Lésbicas do Paraná
[Brazilian League of Lesbians of Paraná] – LBL
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Alanne Maria de Jesus
& Ayala Tude
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Alanne Maria de Jesus and Ayala Tude.
Abstract
This article is a discussion of the results of field research about the collective
experiences of different LGBT movements. That is, currently there is an
investment of some groups in proposing, whenever possible, the inclusion of
non-feminine lesbians into various definitions of transmasculinities. This produces 2
deterministic regulations on the bodies and practices of non-feminine lesbians,
like when the gaze on that body identifies it as “a ‘transmacho,’ but an
inadequate one, because it has boobs.” Considering the empirical data, it is 3
reasonable to ask what are the historical conditions of possibilities that have
contributed to this move to frame the body with this level of determinism.
Beyond this, it also raises a political-epistemological issue. It is a political matter
because it shows a hierarchy of transgressive gender experiences, in which
transmasculinity is more valued than the non-feminine lesbian experience.
Epistemological, on the other side, because it demonstrates a “will to truth” and
the production of narratives about bodies and practices, in order to move the
non-feminine lesbians body from the scene, by transforming it into more of the
same. That is, a masculine body that is closer to the heteronormative ideal. In
this sense, it is possible to question if this move is related to historical sexism and
lesbophobia which have, for a long time, produced a non-place for non-
feminine lesbian bodies and practices.
Keywords: non-feminine lesbian bodies and practices; the regime of truth;
sexism; lesbophobia; gender and sexualities transgression.
How to cite
Brunetto, Dayana and Léo Ribas. 2020. “The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences
as a Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory Reproduction of Masculinity”.
Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 169-180
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Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas: The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory Reproduction of Masculinity
“Are you sure that you’re just a lesbian? Don’t you feel like
getting rid of the intruders? You still don’t realise it yet, but you
are a trans man. That’s okay, you’re going to realise it. It’s so
empowering when we realise it! You really should give it a try.
We really need men like you in the trans movement. Besides
that, it’s kinda weird this manly attitude in someone with
boobs, right?! Straight girls probably don’t like it...” (João
Paulo 2018). 4
This quote from João’s was said during an event that brought together the
leadership of trans social movements in Curitiba, Paraná in 2018. It consists of a
set of common narratives that reveal, empirically, the attempt to colonise “non-
feminine” lesbian bodies and experiences (Milena Cristina Carneiro Peres,
Suane Felippe Soares and Maria Clara Dias 2008, 28). These narratives may also 5
be found in the article “Lésbica feminista masculinizada ou homem trans: o
governo dos outros sobre o corpo e o agenciamento pol í t ica
identitário” (Masculine feminist lesbian or trans man: the governing of the body
by others and the political identity agency), in which Léo Ribas (2016, 167-168)
presents four scenes produced in different times and spaces of the LGBT social
movements in Brazil. Furthermore, according to Rosalinda, an activist from the 6
lesbian feminist movement, “The sapatãos are in danger of extinction. Soon
there won't be a story to tell. They're all transitioning!” (Rosalinda, Lesbian
Feminist Movement Event, Curitiba, 2019). 7
In the face of these scenes, this article aims to construct a post-structuralist
analysis of a current issue. The methodology used in this study is the dialogical
quantitative interview (Arfuch 1995). A discussion group with four participants,
including the interviewee João Paulo and the interviewers, took place in a trans
people’s social movement event in Curitiba, on 25 June 2018. Another interview,
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in which Rosalinda was interviewed, had a total of six participants and took
place during the national lesbian feminist meeting, on 5 October 2019, also in
Curitiba. According to Leonor Arfuch (1995, 152) the interviews are understood
as a dialogical relation, in which power relations and performativities uncover/
emerge from memories. The duly authorised narratives were compiled and then
included in a compilation that makes up the corpus of this research.
This study is part of a broader research that has been developed since 2016 and
that highlights the existence of incursions of power in the field of the
transmasculinities social movement in Brazil to produce truths about non-
feminine lesbian bodies and experiences that might result in the colonization of
those bodies and experiences. Such power incursions seem to intend to co-opt
these bodies and experiences to produce a regulation aiming the construction
of transmasculinities.
These power dynamics relations have become possible contemporarily due to
specific possibilities created by historical conditions. The sexuality dispositif
[device or apparatus], as Michel Foucault has shown, produced a discursivity
and a variety of strategies of knowledge-power that have made sex its target.
These strategies in turn, produced discourses about body-gender-desire that
fixes and associates the presence of a vulva with the existence of a certain
femininity (Gayle Rubin 2017) and compulsory heterosexuality, designated by
the identification of the genitalia at birth (Adrienne Rich 2012), promoting,
therefore, a system that imposes an alleged coherence and normative
complementarity among sex-gender-desire.
Thus, the discourse materialises what it names through an operation called
citationality (Derrida 1988), which consists of the exhaustive repetition of
discursive networks by different institutions for the reiteration of regulatory norms
and the production of heterosexual bodies and experiences. In this perspective,
the concept of hetero-cisnormativity refers to the gender and sexuality norms in
force in the West by which the instituted norm is the non-trans body and the
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Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas: The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
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heterosexual sexual practices. That is, the body is manufactured in a coherent
relationship between sex and gender that meets the heterosexual imperative as
the only way to experience sexuality (Judith Butler 2008).
The concept works as a union of heteronormativity (Letícia Lanz 2016, 89) and
cisnormativity (Beatriz Bagagli 2016, 89; Lanz 2014, 296). Hetero-cisnormativity
consists of a conceptual tool that promotes an understanding of the narratives
elicited here, considering that they aim to establish a coherence between the
body and the experience towards masculinity – in this case displaced from the
genitalia and focused on the adequacy of the gender identity (Lanz 2014), the
production of transmasculinity and an apparently cisgender performance. That
means that when these narratives are deployed, they produce a materiality
that, reflecting what Judith Butler addressed in the performativity theory (1988;
2000; 2008), produces the effect of power and control over bodies to make
them intelligible to an assemblage of patterns fixed in binary bodies and
heterosexual practices.
However, the analyses can shift, for when a trans man finds similarities with
himself in a non-feminine lesbian body, other potential targets are at stake. It is
on the gender identity and experiences of non-feminine lesbians that power
focuses its incursions and strikes. That is, the trap of the normative gender system
works even in non-hegemonic spaces of masculinity production.
In this sense, the discourses that support and operate the regulatory norms of
body, gender and sexuality establish yet another ideal of masculinity through
the citationality and the reiteration of the regimes of truth. However, non-
feminine lesbian bodies and experiences affront, disturb and “cause” perplexity,
defying such norms. What is at stake are the effects of truth that this
manifestation of discourses produces. That is, through the repetition of such
discourses, the goal is to institute them as the truth. For Michel Foucault:
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The important thing, I believe, is that the truth does not exist outside of
power or without power (...). Truth is a thing of this world: it is produced
only by virtue of multiple forms of constraint. And it induces regular
effects of power. Each society has its regime of truth, its “general
politics” of truth: that is, the types of discourse which it accepts and
makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable
one to distinguish true and false statements, the means by which each
is sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the
acquisition of truth; the status of those who are charged with saying
what counts as true (Foucault 2010, 12-13).
Considering this, it is possible to understand that narratives like the ones brought
in this essay demonstrate the production of another form of regulation of bodies
and practices. This regulation takes place amidst a web of power and
establishes a truth about body-gender-desire that moves non-feminine lesbian
bodies and experiences closer to bodies and practices that also escape the
regulatory ideal produced by the binary and complementary body-gender-
desire system, as long as they fit. For Judith Butler, gender and sexuality norms
produce cis-heterosexual bodies and practices as well as trans and non-
heterosexual bodies and practices, since if the norm were efficient, it would not
need to be reiterated all the time (Butler 2001; 2008).
In the perspective of Foucauldian studies, the discourse analysis that presents
narratives, such as João Paulo’s, distances itself from a specific interest in the
origin of those discourses, since they possess historicity – that is to say, since they
are contingent, located, dated and produced through specific conditions in the
functioning of power relations. According to the author:
We must be ready to receive every moment of discourse in its sudden
irruption; in that punctuality in which it appears, and in that temporal
dispersion that enables it to be repeated, known, forgotten,
transformed, utterly erased, and hidden, far from all view, in the dust of
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Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas: The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
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books. Discourse must not be referred to the distant presence of the
origin, but treated as and when it occurs. These pre-existing forms of
continuity, all these syntheses that are accepted without question,
must remain in suspense. (Foucault 2017, 31).
Thus, we suspect that the non-feminine lesbian subjectification processes
constitute themselves as a target of a collusion between sexism – that,
throughout history, has been placing women and their femininities in the position
of inferior subjects – and lesbophobia – that consists in a violent device of several
attacks against lesbian bodies and experiences. In the case of non-feminine
lesbian bodies and experiences, lesbophobia intersects with different effects of
power. These effects produce bodies and experiences marked by abjection for
performatively materialising bodies that do not fit in what is expected of
femininities (Butler 2001; 2008). Besides that, these bodies also affront the statute
built around a hegemonic masculinity, which is projected for bodies and
experiences that performatively materialise the coherence between sex-
gender-desire – that is, bodies with penises, which produce themselves as male
with hetero-cissexual practices.
Perhaps it would be possible to consider the existence of a moral panic –
established by the non-feminine lesbian experience – affecting not only the
intelligibility of norms, but also those who escape from them. Stanley Cohen has
created the concept of moral panics to reflect how societies react to the
breaking of established normative ideals through the media, public opinion and
through agents of social control. As the author points out, moral panic refers to:
A condition, episode or group of persons emerges to become defined
as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a
stylized and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral
barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right-
thinking people; socially accredited experts pronounce their diagnoses
and solutions; ways of coping are evolved or developed to. Then, the
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condition disappears, submerges or deteriorates and becomes more
visible. Sometimes, the object of the panic is new, and at other times it
is something that has existed long enough, but suddenly appears in the
limelight. Sometimes, the panic passes and it is forgotten, except in
folklore and collective memory; at other times it has more serious and
long-lasting repercussions and might produce such changes as those
in legal and social policy or even the way the society conceives itself
(Cohen 1972, 9).
Besides bothering hetero-cisnormative bodies, non-feminine lesbian practices
and experiences also affect bodies that distance themselves from current
gender norms. Do non-feminine lesbian bodies and experiences represent a
“threat” to hetero-cisnormativity and to transmasculinity ideals? In conceiving a
critical ontology of ourselves (Foucault 1988), what is at stake when it comes to
analysing both the limits and social imperatives created historically, and the
possibilities of escaping from these connections? This means a change of
attitude and posture in the world, in the presence of yourself and others. As
Margareth Rago (2002, 15) suggests, and as we consider it productive to:
“problematize a relationship established with the world, the other and oneself
seems, thus, a fundamental condition to open new, more positive and healthier
paths that would promote the exercise of freedom and the invention of life.”
Before this issue, the main point was to bring the non-feminine lesbian body’s
experiences and practices into the debate as political elements through which
it becomes possible to analyse a regime of truth being produced in the present.
In that sense, as Foucault has demonstrated, the exercise of power and control
of conduct also produces resistances, subversions, escapes, and counter-
conducts (Foucault 2008). Then, the bodies, experiences and practices of non-
feminine lesbians that dare to resist and to potentialise the discussions about the
body, gender and sexualities are means of experimentation and self-invention
themselves. This perspective of self-experimentation can move thought towards
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Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas: The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a
Mechanism for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory Reproduction of Masculinity
an analysis of the potentials of the ethical and aesthetic experience of narrated
existence.
Also, elaborating critical analyses on the epistemological and historical
construction of the invention of the body-sex-gender system seems to be
imperative in understanding the ways that the fields constructing non-feminine
lesbian experiences are delimited in contemporary times. With the intention of
building an intense critique of this system perhaps we can think, through feminist
and queer theorizations, what it would mean to break drastically with the
thinking that produces and makes functional the body-sex-gender system,
founded on binarism and centred on the conjugation of the normal/abnormal
binomial (César 2004, 54; Foucault 1988; Foucault 2001; 121-122; Rubin 2003).
Thus, the reason for these analyses lies in promoting self-reflection and self-
invention before the possibility of glimpsing other visibilities and utterabilities
(Albuquerque Júnior and Filho 2008, 10). Perhaps it can even change the way of
perceiving the world and life, making it as close as possible to the expression of
a personal and political project of a work of art (Foucault 1984, 2). Besides, these
studies and analyses also intend to be strategies to confront and counterpoint
the recent attacks against democracy, vulnerable demographic groups, public
universities and the production of academic analyses and research in the area
of Human Sciences in Brazil (Penna 2018). 8
The reflections proposed here do not intend to close the discussion. Rather, our
experiences and perceptions from the field of social movements and the
academy will keep feeding our analyses. We will keep on doing meaningful
exercises by connecting activism and the academy, never forgetting our
double subjectivity.
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———. 2008. Problemas de Gênero: Feminismo e Subversão da Identidade. 2nd ed. Translated
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Rago, Margareth. 2002. Por uma Cultura Filógena: Pensar Femininamente o Presente. Brasília:
Labrys/UnB.
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Ribas, Leonete Maria Spercoski. 2016. “Lésbica Feminista Masculinizada ou Homem Trans: o
Governo dos Outros sobre o Corpo e o Agenciamento Político Identitário.” In
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and Lindamir Salete Casagrande. Coleção Entrelaçando Gênero e Diversidade 3:
165-190. Curitiba: Editora UTFPR.
Rich, Adrienne. 2012. “Heterossexualidade Compulsória e Existência Lésbica.” Translated by
Carlos Guilherme do Valle. Bagoas – Estudos Gays: Gênero e Sexualidades 4 (5).
Rubin, Gayle. 2003. “Pensando Sobre Sexo: Notas para uma Teoria Radical da Política da
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Santos, Dayana Brunetto Carlin. 2010. “Cartografias da Transexualidade: a Experiência Escolar e
Outras Tramas.” PhD diss. Federal University of Paraná.
T.N.: a non-feminine lesbian [lésbica não-feminilizada] is a lesbian that rejects/does not comply with 1
femininity ideals and performativities. Despite rejecting femininity, it is important to point out that, even
though some of them might, these lesbians do not necessarily identify with masculinity.
T.N.: Transmasculinity is not one – or single – type of masculinity. It is more aptly described as a context: 2
masculinity as enacted by people with transgender identities. Transmasculine is an umbrella term referring
to individuals who were assigned to a female gender role at birth and at some point come to self-identify
as men, or with some other masculine identity, rather than seeing themselves as women. Trans man
(sometimes trans-man or transman) is a man who was assigned female at birth. “Transmacho” can refer to
a transmasculine person who embodies patriarchal and sexist attitudes or to a transmasculine person.
T.N.: deterministic regulations refer to biological interference on how the lesbian body is read, where the 3
life/body of a "butch" does not fit in the female/male binary. By being a "butch" (lésbica não feminilizada,
as they use) a “butch” cannot be a "woman." Therefore, she would be seen as a (trans) man.; the quote
can also be read as: "[this person is not a lesbian, it is] a transmacho, but an inadequate one, because it
has boobs [and a transmacho, a trans man, should not have boobs]; "transmacho" here might simply
mean" "trans man," since Brazilian feminist women and lesbians/sapatonas colloquially refer to men as
"machos" (whether they are explicitly sexist and have macho attitudes or not)."
The names João Paulo and Rosalinda are fictitious and were used to preserve the identities of the subjects 4
who provided the narratives for this study. The narratives were collected, and authorised in dialogical and
punctual interviews, in a dialogue between all individuals of the process, including a lesbian feminist activist
and other researchers, in two moments of different events: an event from the trans movement and one
from the lesbian and bisexual feminist movement, at Curitiba. Those narratives are part of a larger
collection and constitute the corpus of this research, which has been produced since 2016.
We chose to quote the authors' first name in the first citation or reference to make visible the female 5
authorship that has historically been erased from the spaces of knowledge production and that remain
invisible by the rules of current bibliographic citations. This is a political and epistemological decision for
feminist writing.
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Although we do not ignore the recent political organization of intersex people in Brazil, here we refer to 6
organised social movements using the LGBT acronym produced democratically at the 1st National LGBT
Conference, that took place in 2008, in Brasília – Distrito Federal. For more information, read: Santos,
Dayana Brunetto Carlin dos. 2010. “Cartographies of Transsexuality: a School Experience and Other Plots.”
Master's thesis. Federal University of Paraná – UFPR.
T.N.: See “sapatão” in Barros, Bruna and Jess Oliveira. 2020. “Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing 7
Ourselves a Word Choice at a Time.” Also in this issue.
For further information, please check: https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2019/05/11/politica/8
1557603454_146732.html and https://congressoemfoco.uol.com.br/especial/noticias/associacoes-de-
ciencias-humanas-rebatem-argumentos-de-bolsonaro-para-cortar-investimentos/.
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https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2019/05/11/politica/1557603454_146732.html
https://congressoemfoco.uol.com.br/especial/noticias/associacoes-de-c
https://congressoemfoco.uol.com.br/especial/noticias/associacoes-de-c
https://congressoemfoco.uol.com.br/especial/noticias/associacoes-de-c
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Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior,and Lore Fortes: Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the
“Cabras”: Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s Manifestation
Deborah Learned How to Play Sword
with the “Cabras”: Lesbianess and
Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian
Popular Culture’s Manifestation
Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior
PhD Candidate, School of Communication
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
&
Lore Fortes
Associate Professor, Graduate Program of Sociology
Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), Brazil
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Bruna Barros
& Jess Oliveira
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LoreFortes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
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Acknowledgements
I thank Deborah Bonfims Pinheiro for allowing me to try to portray her story in this
paper by allowing me to listen to her. I also thank Bárbara Tenório for presenting
me with a study on female empowerment within popular culture. Lesbian union,
from the field to the research.
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
Abstract
The main objective of this research is to present a study on the artivism of sexual
and gender dissidents in Brazilian popular culture, through a focus on the
performative production of the Guerreiro tradition in the city of Juazeiro do
Norte in the countryside of Ceará, Brazil. By taking into account the mode of
subjectivation and the performative politics of Deborah Bomfins, a member of
the group “Guerreiras de Joana D'arc,” coordinated by Mestra Margarida
Guerreira, we seek to understand the way in which sexuality permeates the
artivism of the Northeastern regional tradition, by distorting the “cabra
macho” [macho man] ideal in popular culture through visibility and resistance in
the scenic dance performance. We argue that the Guerreiro tradition arises as 1
a way of life for Deborah's lesbian existence, mainly because, as a brincante 2
[player], she faces prejudices by standing between her lesbian identity and
heteronormativity. 3
Keywords: Guerreiro; Theatre; Popular Culture; Lesbianess; Gender and
Sexuality.
How to cite
Oliveira Junior, Ribamar José de and Lore Fortes. 2020..: “Deborah Learned How to Play Sword
with the “Cabras”: Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s
Manifestation”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 181-190
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Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior,and Lore Fortes: Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the
“Cabras”: Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s Manifestation
This paper seeks to present some thoughts on Brazilian lesbian experiences
through Deborah Bomfins’s participation in the popular cultural tradition of
groups in Juazeiro, in the Cariri region of Ceará, in Brazil’s Northeast. We apply
the methodology of sentimental cartography, proposed by Rolnik (1989), in
order to follow the production of subjectivity and the movement of the player’s
desire within the Guerreiro’s cultural production, characterised by the Christmas
festivities that take place during the “Ciclo de Reis” [Three Kings’ Cycle], a
period that corresponds to the second half of November and the first half of
January on the municipal calendar. The popular celebration ends on Dia de
Reis [Three Kings’ Day], January 6th.
The analysis takes place in the João Cabral neighbourhood, in the city of
Juazeiro do Norte, where the most popular Christmas parties, the Reisado and
the Guerreiro are celebrated. According to data from the Carroça de
Mamulengos Collective, in 2019 the district counts 250 participants, while the
municipality has 778 participants in the popular culture’s events. This research
focuses on the Guerreiro tradition and relates it to the Reisado insofar as the
tradition’s learning process branches into Deborah's discourse [from the
Guerreiro] between the two cultural events. Brandão (2003) highlights the
Guerreiro as a variant of cultural practices originated in the states of Alagoas
and Pernambuco and defines this tradition as a modernized appearance of the
Reisados. The Guerreiros’s narrative is danced and sung through a sequence of
performative acts, characterised by “songs danced by a group of dancers
dressed in multi-coloured costumes, the emulation of the colony's old noble
costumes, adapted to the taste and economic possibil ity of the
people” (Brandão 2003, 76).
One of the key concepts for the development of the research is the “theatre as
enchantment,” elaborated through the cartography of Barroso (2013) on
Reisados do Ceará. For the author, the scenic performance of tradition takes
place through enchantment, a moment when the players are enchanted and
enchanting through the embodiment of fantastic and legendary characters’
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majesties, as well as through disenchantment, when the players leave the
popular scenario and return to ordinary life. It is interesting to note the contrast
between the cultural production of tradition and social issues, because,
generally, the players are simple and humble people who live in poor and
peripheral neighbourhoods of urban centres.
As Barroso (2013, 44) explains about the Reisado tradition, “the vast majority of
players are men, although the participation of women has increased in recent
times, it apparently has always existed in many places.” According to the
author, women would be linked to secondary functions in the festivity, such as
production roles both in the making of costumes and ornaments, as well as in
arranging presentations. Thus, we consider Deborah’s playful body to be
powerful on the scene, especially because of its ability to deconstruct the
patriarchal nature of relationships (Navarro Swain 2010) through artivism of
sexual and gender dissidence, as Colling (2018) points out.
How can the Guerreiro game provide a lesbian resistance’s coalition (Butler
2018) beyond heterosexual contracts (Wittig 1978) within popular culture’s
tradition? If tradition allows for a condition of survival through the theatre of Reis’
art, we can assert that, for Deborah, the learning of swordplay appears to the
extent that her “lesbian existence,” expressed also by artistic practices, can
“undo the power that men perform over women” (Rich 2010, 43). Therefore, we
highlight the way in which artivism is crossed by corporeality in the Guerreiro
play, as well as by lesbian sexuality in the practice of Brazilian Northeastern
culture.
Lesbianess as artivism: gender performativity in the theatre of Kings
The first time Deborah Bomfins Pinheiro, 26, played the Guerreiro was outdoors,
at the Carlos Cruz Square in the João Cabral neighbourhood, in Juazeiro do
Norte, Ceará state, Brazil. It was 2003 and she was ten years old. The artist
collective Carroça de Mamulengos4 had arrived in Juazeiro do Norte and all
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Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior,and Lore Fortes: Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the
“Cabras”: Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s Manifestation
the children were impressed with people on wooden legs, clown games and
popular cultures’ dances. “My first contact with art was at the circus,” explains
Deborah who is today one of the six Guerreiras of Mestra Margarida’s group.
According to the player, the novelty of an artist collective made children start
liking street art.
The theatre company kept going back and forth to the city, always bringing
games to the neighbourhood. One day, the collective decided to stay and set
up an artistic headquarters in the neighbourhood. According to Deborah, this
was due to the richness observed by the artists in the popular cultures that
emerged in the João Cabral neighbourhood. The União dos Artistas da Terra da
Mãe de Deus [The Union of Artists from God’s Mother’s Land] opens its doors
and, in a short time, the children begin attending theatre, painting and drawing
classes besides playing instruments, singing and even harvesting in the square.
“Everything was already there and the company brought us what we could
learn,” Deborah says.
Then, the artists group had the idea of assembling a group that would play the
Guerreiro cultural tradition. The artists managed to bring Mestra Margarida
Guerreira, one of the first women in the city to lead such a group, to dance with
the children in João Cabral. Margarida Guerreira lived in a neighbourhood
called Mutirão and, according to Deborah, this meeting with the company
allowed a greater care of her basic needs as an elderly player. “The group
started taking good care of her, so she could give back in music and teach us,”
Deborah says. At first, the group members were all women. Four of Deborah’s six
sisters danced in the group. However, there was a family barrier placed by their
father's permission that, at the time, would not allow the girls to play the
Guerreiro. “My daughter will not go out in the middle of the street running with a
sword in her hand, this is not for her,” recalls the player about this sad childhood
episode.
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The general parents’ prohibition to take part in the group's activities made the
actress Maria Gomide, a member of Carroça de Mamulengos, visit each house
in the neighbourhood to explain what exactly the children's encounters with art
consisted of. The process was slow and, according to Deborah, difficult, but it
worked out. Today her father has all of her videos of sword playing and taking
part in popular culture events. This is how the tradition began to take place in
João Cabral due to the trust gained by and placed in Maria Gomide; due to
her efforts, the Guerreiro group came into being between 2003 and 2004.
“Our differential was that, after we set up the Guerreiro, I will not say that we
were the first, but we had a very strong history inside this tradition, and, after
that, other groups started to pop up,” explains Deborah about the emergence
of other women-only Guerreiro groups. Although the news of the group's
performances was widespread in the neighbourhood, Deborah believes that
the fact that Maria sat with the children, picked up the guitar and sang all the
handwritten notes until everyone learned them, touched the children’s
sensibility. “She sang lyric by lyric until she learned them all.”
In 2003, Mestra Margarida Guerreira no longer played swords, although she
knew how to do it very well. She was well known as the mother of Masters in the
Cariri region. Since she learned it from men, Deborah considers that the
performative reproduction of the acts might have made her acquire the
reiterated character of the male gender in dance. “We learned from men, so
when I play I look like a man playing! Antonio, Maria's brother, said: “Deborah,
come here, do it, put your hand on your hips, show us some lightness…” and I
said: “But I learned it from the guys, man, I'm going to play this way!”
Over time, she explains that the group has sort of “personalized” the way of
playing swords, so they play it in a softer and more delicate way, “a more
feminine touch, so to speak,” adds Deborah. The player points out that there is a
thought, along the lines of tradition, that the Guerreiro is for women, while the
Reisado is for men. This norm was learned during the first rehearsals, although
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"both [plays] have female and male characters, for example the Guerreiro has
the character Mateu, who is a male. The Reisado has a character who is the
Queen." Deborah also says that Guerreiro is more melodic. “Men use more
strength to sing and women sing softer. With men, it's kind of a war, a fight... ” she
says.
Both the Guerreiro and the Reisado are groups that need to be commanded by
a whistle. Generally, the object is always in the Master's mouth. In the case of
Mestra Margarida's Guerreiras de Joana d’Arc group, when the whistle blows,
two rows of women need to get in formation. When the Mestra speaks, each
character is “taken away,” that is, enacted during the presentation. In a short
time, Deborah started to lead lines; she went from the sides to the centre and
got the title of Reis. If someone older were missing to interpret a character, she
would cover the role. Altogether, she has approximately 15 years in this tradition,
"I consider myself a player, even though they keep calling me Mestra Deborah,"
she confesses. Deborah did what she calls “creating her space” between the
Guerreiro and the Reisado, an action that can be seen as powerful considering
the domination`s point of view and the political meanings of heterosexuality, as
shown by Curiel (2013).
In 2017, Deborah’s Guerreiras group announced its return, but a question
remained in the air. Deborah had had a child, and her sisters had started
families. How would it be possible for them to follow the rehearsals and perform
with their lap children? The idea of taking their children to the Guerreiro’s and
Reisado’s rehearsals appears to have solved the problem. Why would the
Guerreiras not take their children to dance? Deborah wonders. "So we did
rehearsals with mothers from the first formation, who played with their children
on their laps. My child was in the middle of the Reisado," she remembers. In the
performance about six Guerreiras danced, the scene is composed by 15
players, apart from the people involved in the organization and behind the
scenes logistics.
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“As I played since 2003 and came out as a lesbian in 2017, people were
surprised, but I had no barriers, “Deborah? She has a baby!” “but she used to
date that guy.” people used to say it couldn't be possible, but it is,” says the
player about the acceptance of obstacles by her popular culture partners.
Today, Deborah says she notices more LGBTQ + people on her side. "Of course,
we, gay people, still suffer a lot... the gay who is a travesti, the gay who is a trans
person, they are putting themselves on the line. Me, as a lesbian... I don’t have
that thing: "oh, she is a lesbian, I’m going to mess with her”... So whether it is a
trans or a travesti, they are the ones to take it, they are there in the front line
defending homosexuality,” reflects Deborah about constructed categories like
the “macho” lesbian and the more “effeminate” gay. The player considers
herself a strong woman due to the presence of social markers in her body as a
mother, as a black person and as a lesbian. The participation in Mestra
Margarida Guerreira’s group has empowered her. Deborah says she does not
want to be rich, she wants empowerment: “I want to play for the rest of my life.
If I can, I will plant this seed. I want to teach, because this is my life and I want to
multiply it, I want to pass it on.” It is worth noting that Deborah's lesbian
experience changes this cultural event, for it breaks the traditional heritage
passed on historically by the male figure of the Master, that is, from father to son.
Conclusions
Although Deborah deviates from labels, she argues that there is no way to get
rid of them. Sometimes the Guerreira says she looks at herself in the mirror and
thinks, “Am I a lesbian? Am I a sapatão? I am a woman!” She adds that
sometimes we see ourselves through other people’s eyes, by believing them
when they tell us who we are, which often differs from the way we recognize
ourselves. “I look at myself and I see a woman who likes another woman, but
the label’s strength is very strong…” According to her, the lesbian woman has a
strength that makes her fight for her space, while saying that being part of a
minority in João Cabral can generate allied spaces, "when everyone comes
together to address the issue, the space is created."
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Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior,and Lore Fortes: Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the
“Cabras”: Lesbianess and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s Manifestation
If the Guerreiro tradition enables survival through popular theatre, we highlight
Deborah’s, corporality and artvism as powerful tools to resist lesbophobic
violence with art.
In performance, physical acts perceived as "masculine" end up being
evidenced by the public through the way Deborah learned them. However, it is
worth noting that the very performative acts point to the gender norm’s very
failure and, before the lesbian existence within the tradition, challenge through
the “Lesbian continuum,” as described by Rich (2010), the expected ideal of
“cabra macho” who are expected to play the sword in the Guerreiro tradition
When Deborah declares that the struggle for spaces is related to her condition
as a lesbian woman, she is talking about happiness. According to the player, a
relationship with another woman is good for her. “It makes me feel more
beautiful, I feel good.” Thus, it is possible to notice what she says not only
through the story she tells, but also through the way she evokes Margarida's
memory while throwing the swords out of the norm, that is, out of the ways a
woman who dances the Guerreiro is supposed to play. Deborah seems to be
right; the sword is a way of life.
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References
Barroso, Oswald. 2013. Teatro como Encantamento: Bois e Reisados de Caretas. Fortaleza:
Armazém da Cultura.
Butler, Judith. 2018. Corpos em Aliança e a Política das Ruas: Notas para uma Teoria
Performativa da Assembleia. Translated by Fernanda Siqueira Miguens. Rio de Janeiro:
Civilização Brasileira.
Brandão, Théo. 2003. Folguedos Natalinos. Maceió: Ufal.
Colling, Leandro. 2018. “A Emergência dos Artivismos das Dissidências Sexuais e de Gêneros no
Brasil da Atualidade.” Sala Preta 18 (1): 152-167.
Curiel, Ochy. 2013. La Nación Heterosexual: Análisis del Discurso Jurídico y el Régimen
Heterosexual desde la Antropología de la Dominación. Colombia: Brecha Lésbica e en
la frontera.
Navarro Swain, Tânia. 2010. “Desfazendo o ‘Natural’: a Heterossexualidade Compulsória e o
Continuum Lesbiano.” Revista Bagoas 4 (5): 45-55.
Pinheiro, Deborah Bomfins. 2019. “Entrevista Concedida Dia 13 de Março de 2019 para Ribamar
José de Oliveira Junior em Juazeiro do Norte, Ceará, Brasil.” By Ribamar José de Oliveira
Junior. March 13.
Rolnik, Suely. 1989. Cartografia Sentimental Transformações Contemporâneas do Desejo. São
Paulo: Estação Liberdade.
Rich, Adrienne. 2010. “Heterossexualidade Compulsória e Existência Lésbica.” Translated by
Carlos Guilherme do Valle. Revista Bagoas 4 (5): 17-44.
Wittig, Monique. 1978. “O Pensamento Hétero.” Paper read at the Modern Language
Association Convention, New York.
http://mulheresrebeldes.blogspot.com/2010/07/sempre-viva-wittig.html
T.N.: mestra: (f) master in Portuguese.1
T.N.: a brincante is a person who takes part in a popular brincadeira [child’s play]. In some Brazilian 2
popular cultures, brincadeira stands for a type of traditional cultural play and/or practice. Brincadeiras are
deeply ingrained with the local culture and history of those who take part in them.
The term “cabra” [goat] is used to name men who are legitimized by male virility in northeastern Brazil; 3
see more about Guerreiro at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rCACdFV6lB8>=; work carried out
with the support of CAPES during the Master's course in Social Sciences at UFRN.
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rCACdFV6lB8>=
http://mulheresrebeldes.blogspot.com/2010/07/sempre-viva-wittig.html%20
formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
afro latina
formiga
aka formigão
aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar
Poet, Kapoeira y Sapatão
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Bruna Barros
& Jess Oliveira
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
Abstract
This article is a discussion of the results of field research about the collective
experiences of different LGBT movements. That is, currently there is an
investment of some groups in proposing, whenever possible, the inclusion of
non-feminine lesbians into various definitions of transmasculinities. This produces 1
deterministic regulations on the bodies and practices of non-feminine lesbians,
like when the gaze on that body identifies it as “a ‘transmacho,’ but an
inadequate one, because it has boobs.” Considering the empirical data, it is 2
reasonable to ask what are the historical conditions of possibilities that have
contributed to this move to frame the body with this level of determinism.
Beyond this, it also raises a political-epistemological issue. It is a political matter
because it shows a hierarchy of transgressive gender experiences, in which
transmasculinity is more valued than the non-feminine lesbian experience.
Epistemological, on the other side, because it demonstrates a “will to truth” and
the production of narratives about bodies and practices, in order to move the
non-feminine lesbians body from the scene, by transforming it into more of the
same. That is, a masculine body that is closer to the heteronormative ideal. In
this sense, it is possible to question if this move is related to historical sexism and
lesbophobia which have, for a long time, produced a non-place for non-
feminine lesbian bodies and practices.
Keywords: non-feminine lesbian bodies and practices; the regime of truth;
sexism; lesbophobia; gender and sexualities transgression.
How to cite
do Nascimento Aguiar, Aline. 2020. “afro latina”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14:
191-210
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
afro latina
guarda afetos de Áfrika
kom teto y raiz em abya yala
afrolatinidades amefrikanidades
A Kor Púrpura é
eskura
força motriz
teve eskuta ativa
da minha poesia
polítika-emotiva
depois da travessia
fez um retrato meu
vejo eu
até no meu korte de kabelo
desenhado pelos seus traços no papel
desejo Pretumel
seu lampejo em Olhos d´Água
é impressionante komunika fráguas
raridade alguém me kerer
surpresa do anoitecer
minha karência gera uma kerência
aí eu deixo me levar
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pra onde vc me guiar
kuando entrei no seu kuarto
keria morar
na sua biblioteka
e no seu abraço
dekorar poema e karregar
um pedaço de você em mim
tipo assim
igual a literatura ke noiz gosta
revigora kura
vem enkosta
tua pele na minha pele
potência
preta konsciência
na sua postura
na sua bravura
suave é a chave
suave também
é seus beijo
doce igual você
é kente
é kente
igual seu abraço
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
ke de repente me envolveu
e akeceu meu presente
eu
gosto de ouvir sobre seu passado
komo tem passado
pra chegar até aki
o jeito ke vc sorri
me lembra
komo a gente é gente
não kanso de te perguntar
se tá tudo bem
se eu tô te machukando
meu bem
só pra me certifikar
ke o konsentimento tá rolando
responsa e sentimento
negrícia em nudez
enchem meus olhos
delícia
sua tepidez y maciez
beijos kausa em mim desejos
passeio por tua negrura
grande ventura
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tenho pressa
vou nessa
simples e direta
pausa para trocar de mão
risos então
Águas da Kabaça
ressoam no movimento da vida
minha kerida
pediu pra parar
ela não gozou
ela não me tokou
não teve magia
não teve sintonia
dividimos o banho
pra sua doçura me arreganho
eu tão na sua
e você na sua
tua gentileza
me enkanta tanta beleza
tua introspecção me espanta
te mando poesias ke versa meu afã
kontinuamos a konversa
da sua esperteza sou fã
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
markamos de se ver
minha ansiedade todo mundo vê
apesar das difikuldade
ir fundo
eu keria
sempre achei ke essas koisas ke faltam
se konstruía
mas ela não tava mais
a fim
de mim
ela fugiu
ela partiu
sem dizer nada
fikei angustiada
inventando mil DRs Imaginárias
percebi ke keria todo amor ke
sempre faltou
isso é um fardo
pra uma preta
mankada minha
gera treta
e fiko sempre sozinha
entendi ki na moral
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nenhuma mulher preta tem ke kuidar do meu
emocional
isso é atroz
ki afeto entre Noiz
amar
num é kompletar
é di kompartilhar
as koisas boas
na boa
não teve Pretextos de Mulheres Negras
só silêncio mesmo
acho ke vc segue as regras
da sua intuição
pra ke fechar Kom essa sapatão
se pá não kompensa
me ignorando ela me dispensa
o meu Espírito da Intimidade foi maltratado
e sequestrado
se jogou no mar
pra não ser eskravo
eskrevo pra diluir e afogar
gosto de sal e cheiro de kravo
no incenso odor intenso
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
dizem por aí ke Intimidade Não é Luxo
pra mim é luxo sim
intimidade pra minha pessoa
só nas viagem da minha kabeça ke ressoa
aki num é Vivendo de Amor
pelo kontrário aki indiferença e rankor
vivendo de ilusão
intimidade me intimida jão
mas sempre tô korrendo atrás delas
e as minas sempre korrendo de mim
enfim
acho ke o máximo de amor ke
eu konsigo ter na vida
é o amor próprio
eu sou minha amante
eu sou minha amiga
errante
ninguém liga
kansei mesmo de reivindikar
ke a koletividade
seke minhas feridas
a raiva da solitude arde
antes ke seja tarde
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preciso desatar
necessidade de ser par
ki ela
não mais me mova
Antes Ke Chova
Um Dia Bonito Pra Chover
me ensina ke sou inteira sem você
teoria feminista difundida pela lésbika
bate na tekla
solidão komo arma polítika
rumo a autonomia
ekonômika mental emocional
antipatriarkal
hoje sonhei kom você
sonhei ke você me dava um perdido no rolê
sexto sentido
avisando não deveria ter me iludido
relembrando
komo meu koração foi partido
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
afro latina
keeping Afrika’s affektions1
roof y roots in abya yala2
afrolatinidades amefrikanidades3
The Kolour Purple is
dark
moving force
aktive listening
from my politikal-emotional
poesia
after the travessia
(you) painted a pikture of me
i see me
even in my hairkut
that you drew on paper line by line
Pretumel desire
your shimmer in Olhos d’Água
it’s enthralling, breaking agonies on the shore
rarely anybody wants me at all
surprise by the nightfall
lacking love, i yearn for you
so i let you take me
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to where you want to guide me
when i walked into your bedroom
i wanted to live
in your library
and in your hug
memorise poems and karry
a piece of you in/with me
just like
the literature we like
it refreshes it kures
kome kloser
your skin near mine
power
black konsciousness
in your attitude
in your bravery
smooth is the key
so are
your kisses
sweet like you
it’s true
it’s lustful
like your hug
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
that suddenly got me involved
heating my present up
i
like listening about your past
how you have been
until you got here
the way u smile
reminds me
that we’re people
i never get tired of asking you
if everything is fine
if i am hurting you
my love,
it’s just to make sure
we got a Konsent
accountability and feeling
blacklicious in its nakedness
it fills my eyes
delight
your drowsiness y smoothness
your kisses kause me desires
i wander in your blackness
such a great bliss
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i rush
and go with your flow
simple and assertive
a pause to switch hands
then we laugh then
Águas de Kabaça
resonating in life’s movements
ma baby
asked me to stop
she didn’t kome
she didn’t touch me
there was no magik
there was no synchrony
then we shared a bath
i open myself to you just like that
i’m so into you
you’re so indifferent
your kind ways
i look at this beauty with praise
your introspektion scares me
i send you poems with lines of yearning
we keep our konversation going
you amaze me with your cunning
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
we’re going on a date
i’m anxious and everyone can see it
despite all the trouble and difficulties
i wanted
to go deeper
i always thought we kould build whatever
was lacking
but then she wasn’t that much
into
me
she ran
she left
without a single word
i was going krazy
making up a thousand DTRs in my head
i realised i wanted all the love
i never had
that’s a burden
for a preta
my fuck-ups
turn into treta
and i’m always alone
for real, i get it now
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no preta has to take kare of
what i feel and how
it’s so kruel
affektion between Us
to love
is not to komplete
it is to share
the good things
damn right
there were no Pretextos de Mulheres Negras
just silence
i guess you follow the rules
of your intuition
why ride with dis dyke
maybe it ain’t worth it
by ignoring me, she dumps me
my Spirit of Intimacy was wounded
and kidnapped
throwed itself into the sea
not to be enslaved
i write to water down and drown
the taste of salt the smell of clove
a scent so strong in the incense
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
they go around saying Intimacy No Luxury
it is to me
i only get intimacy
when i’m tripping in my head that ekhoes
ain’t no Living to Love
on the kontrary it’s indifference and rankor
living to daydream
intimacy intimidates me
but i’m always running after them
and them ladies running away from me
i mean
i think the greatest love
i can have in this life
is self-love
i am my lover
i am my friend
a wanderer
nobody cares
i’m sick and tired of asking
for kollektivity
to lick my wounds
the rage of loneliness akhes
before it’s too late
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i need to tear apart
the need to be a part
may she
no longer move me
Antes Ke Chova
Um Dia Bonito Pra Chover
teach me i’m whole without you
lesbian feminist theory
spreads the word around
solitude as a politikal weapon
towards autonomy
ekonomikally mentally emotionally
anti-patriarchally
i dreamt with you today
i dreamt you ditched me while we hanged
sixth sense
telling me i shouldn’t have dreamt
reminding me
how my heart was broken and bent
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formiga, aka formigão, aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar: afro latina
References
Formiga. 2018. Afro latina. Brasília: Padê Editorial.
T.N.: Transmasculinity is not one – or single – type of masculinity. It is more aptly described as a context: 1
masculinity as enacted by people with transgender identities. Transmasculine is an umbrella term referring
to individuals who were assigned to a female gender role at birth and at some point come to self-identify
as men, or with some other masculine identity, rather than seeing themselves as women. Trans man
(sometimes trans-man or transman) is a man who was assigned female at birth. “Transmacho” can refer to
a transmasculine person who embodies patriarchal and sexist attitudes or to a transmasculine person.
T.N.: deterministic regulations refer to biological interference on how the lesbian body is read, where the 2
life/body of a "butch" does not fit in the female/male binary. By being a "butch" (lésbica não feminilizada,
as they use) a “butch” cannot be a "woman." Therefore, she would be seen as a (trans) man.; the quote
can also be read as: "[this person is not a lesbian, it is] a transmacho, but an inadequate one, because it
has boobs [and a transmacho, a trans man, should not have boobs]; "transmacho" here might simply
mean" "trans man," since Brazilian feminist women and lesbians/sapatonas colloquially refer to men as
"machos" (whether they are explicitly sexist and have macho attitudes or not)."
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tatiana nascimento: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain
literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry
exorbitating the paradigm of pain
tatiana nascimento
Wordsmith, poet, composer, singer, translator, videomaker, educator
Editor of artisanal books by black/lbtqi authors in padê editorial
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese
Bruna Barros
& Jess Oliveira
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Acknowledgements
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira.
Abstract
this essay that is being continuously rewritten by tatiana nascimento, an artist,
and researcher from brasília, since 2016, asks the following main assumptions:
why does the intelligibility of the literature produced by black and/or lgbtqi
people seem to be related to the thematic presence of the pain/
resistance/denouncement triad?
in which ways does this triped approach meet the expectations of the whiteist
colonial cis-hetnormative gaze’s typical sadism?
does “exorbitating the paradigm of pain.” acknowledging the literary
complexity of/among the researched poets, create the risk of
overlapping layers of unintelligibility to the texts?
can fostering this risk be a bet on the future? meaning: is this literature
afrofuturistic? y: could it make sense in a present so deeply marked by the
genocism/epistemicide promoted by the cis-hetnormative whitist
supremacy’s coloniality? 1
the absurd, the daydream, the weightlessness, the refusal, the impreciseness,
the crossing-out – how do they arise as power in this literature, turning the
risk into fertile material for new criticism gazes, theory, literary diffusion? or
would they be mere fugitive points from the harsh reality, escapism,
tangencies, and useless lyricisms?
is it possible, really possible, to reconjure a concept founded on two brazilian
contemporary black thought pillars – beatriz nascimento and abdias
nascimento, in their respective propositions on quilombos [maroon
societies] and quilombismo –, that still engage with a heterocentered
perspective on blackness, to put on a base to the notion of queerlombism
cuíerlombism as one in which the notions of black diaspora and sexual
dissidence are settled in the same ancestral ground?
Keywords: cuírlombism; queerlombism; complexity; sexual dissidence in the
black diaspora.
How to cite
nascimento, tatiana. 2020. “literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm
of pain”. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 14: 211-232
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tatiana nascimento: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain
“e eu sorrindo digo: suave”
[and smiling i say: chill]
(kati souto)
roots
rereading Oxum and Oyá’s affair, Otim’s transexuality, Ọssanha’s and Oxossi’s
sissyness, i propose the re-telling/creation of ancient black stories as a way out
of the cisnormative heterossexualisation that the dominator/coloniser’s
“authorised” discourses dictate to the diaspora. the resemblance between 2
queer and quilombo suggests something urging to be celebrated y took up/
regained to our struggles and existences, since the stiffer and oldest pillars of
colonial racism are the silencing of and the sexual expectations on black
bodies. 3
lgtbqi+ blackness faces stereotypes that cast homosexualities/sexual dissidence
as a “white plague” contaminating the virile black “african” peoples (the
Africa/Wakanda monolith) through colonisation. consequently, sexual
orientations, gender identities, sexual/affection practices that are, effectively,
blackly ancestral and documented in foundational myths (such as itans), for
example, are deemed as whitening/colonisation.
in the stereotypical and homogenizing perspective about which sex is fit to a
black body, one is perceived as proper, correct: straight, available, exploitable,
reproductive, cisgendered. the maintenance of these expectations obeys the
ideological, political, economic and affective cistem that controls black bodies
and sexualities: persecution, mockery, symbolical, physical and existential
deletion (of black trans bodies, especially), condemnations to whoever dares to
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escape the racist colonial imagery that builds “the black woman” (that can be
mulata or black, each one with their specific stereotypes) and “the black
man” (that can be the guy with a big dick, the rapist, the emotionally
irresponsible). 4
this imagery takes root in the non-recognition of black lgbtqi+ sexual self-
determination. this situation repeats itself in the diaspora, in the continent and in
the monolithic nostalgia that longs for an “Africa” full of polygamous virile men
who tame simultaneously submissive and strong women who are highly
motherly-fertile (just as the so called “mother-continent,” a heavily straight and
reproductivist metaphor). the media feeds it back, from the colonial fantasies
about our dark bodies to the HIV/AIDS terror not only as a “gay plague” but as a
“black plague.” 5
when it comes to the cuir/queer itans, essential to the sexually dissident mark of
black ancestry, “Oxum seduces Oyá” tells that Oxum, satisfied after another one
of her conquests, straight up avoids the lady of passions, winds, lightning, egun. 6
little did she know Oyá loves herself some trouble, she would get pissed for being
dumped and would chase after Oxum to punish her. Oxum, then, hides in a river
to never leave again. in this itan, the core of Oxum’s relationship with the river
arises from her sexual involvement with Oyá, that is to say, one of her most
important symbolic domains, her belonging to the fresh waters that
simultaneously belong to her, comes from the fact that she had sex with Oyá.
Oxum Is the river, the fresh waters; part of the ceremonies dedicated to her
happen in the water, it is not only a locus where people deliver gifts and food,
where people make requests and say thanks for their blessings, but also an entity
to whom they make offerings, request, thank.
itans are complex, conflicting even. to each Orisha, many tell a story with a
similar ending but different plots. as a black sapatão intellectual, it is essential to
me to tell this story like this, an obviously and indisputably lesbian explanation of
the sacred nature of one of the most beloved and important Orisha in the
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tatiana nascimento: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain
diaspora, whose name is so associated with the diffusion of a female rivalry myth
(the dispute between Oxum and Obá is way better well-known than the sex
between Oxum and Oyá). i underline that it is a lesbian myth, they are not
lesbian Orisha: considering the many sexual exchanges between all of them,
one can attest their reining constitutive bisexuality.
the narrative multiplicity also applies to Otim. not much worshipped in the
brazilian diaspora, she is generally treated as a huntress Orisha, Oxossi’s partner
(depending on the story, partner in work or in sex or both). there is an itan that
tells that Otim is a much-loved daughter of a father that guards her secret: she
has four boobs. when her secret is revealed, Otim runs, turning into a river that is
embraced/welcomed by Yemanjá, “the mother of fish children,” “mother of all
heads,” the Orisha that is the sea it/herself. even her father’s love that turns into
a mountain to try to contain her goes to waste. the story has sex, but is homo-
affective and gender-dissident, since Yemanjá embraces, takes in, cares for,
welcomes Otim, whose nature was transformed/overflowed by the persecution
of her corporeity, that was misunderstood, ridiculed, exposed.
but my favorite itan about Otim tells that he, a beautiful prince living in an
abundant kingdom, gets tired of his life, runs to the forest, and decides to stay
there. not knowing how to survive by himself, he gets hungry, scared and falls
asleep. in his dream, he hears: give up on everything you have, offer it in a faith
sacrifice and you will be helped. Otim wakes up, undresses, and makes his
offering. he is found and rescued by a famous hunter, the most well-known in
the Odé family: Oxossi, the provider, who dresses Otim with new clothes and
teaches him the craft of hunting. besides, he keeps Otim’s secret: having boobs
and a cunt (or, according to the sex-biologising version, he had “a woman’s
body”).
in another itan, Oxossi, Yemanjá’s beloved son, asks her permission to know the
earths’ world, where he meets a stunning lad who knows all about leaf magic,
“the forest’s spirit,” Ossanha. he falls in love with Odé, casting him an herbal love
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spell; however, when the spell is broken, Oxossi still chooses to live with Ossanha,
letting go of his mother’s wide, oceanic, watery queendom, becoming the lord
of the forest. 7
if, in the continent, each god/dess was worshipped monotheistically, the
diaspora’s gira calls them to dance together in the xirê, but not only that: to
(un)make sex(es) as well. the myth in which a trans Otim is welcomed/cared 8
for/embraced as friend, brother and pupil of Oxossi – a symbol of the providing,
hegemonic (i still have not said “toxic”) masculinity – whispers a remedy against
transphobic, toxic black masculinities. but why is it that the stories which have
been shared the most during their journey of heavily oral transmission are the
most sex-gender-corporeity-normative ones? why is Otim’s transexuality
forgotten? and why insist on telling only and so much the itans in which turned
female Orisha dispute against each other or are dominated by Orisha
represented as “men,” reduced to being merely their wives?
this prevailingly cis-hetnormative diffusion goes on because the history of
colonisation is one of cis-heterosexualisation. therefore it is crucial to retell, re-
create – or requeerise, in the words of the black bicha poet pedro ivo – in a
transformative, anti-colonial way, so this sexual and/or gender dissidence
ancestry’s premise’s nourishing roots do not die; so that we have historical
ballast in the black diaspora; so that we can get rid of the heterosexualising
gaze imposed to our pre-atlantical trajectories/existences/symbologies by
coloniality. these are attempts of flattening, shallowing and more easily
dominating the narratives, sexualities, practices and existences of much more
complex subjects and peoples, that is, of those who escape the white catholic
male/female binary that is taken as a sexuality parameter. this binary founds the
colonial enterprise, as seen in the rape farms during enslavement, used to breed
more black bodies to be enslaved by the cultural, political, economic, and
social system that built white wealth in the americas.
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colonisation, in its many stages over five centuries, took much of the lgbtqi-
phobias, as we know them, to the african continent. the colonial effort by the
white supremacist hetsexist capitalist cisgenderness is still to be found in the
diffusion, throughout the diaspora, of binary/dichotomous patterns of polarised
sexuality, based reproductively via discourses often disguised as “the african
model of life.” as if there were only one african way of life; as if Africa were one
country.
colonisation, not a historical fissure that stops (in) a moment in time, was and is
an ethnic-racial civilizing project that excludes other civilisations and their
traditional (and thus, susceptible to time and change) practices/knowledges/
ways of life, a project that maintains the economic, cultural and political
supremacy of a white, eurocentric, heteronormative, cisgender matrix.
disregarding expressions, experiences, and sexualities that diverge from this
model, summing up a group of millenary peoples as a singular group with a
singular thought and a singular sexual practice with only two, “opposite-
complementary,” gender expressions, is colonial racism.
when, in black communities, we counter the reproductivist binary-centric cis-
heteronormative white matrix with an equally nuclear-familist binary cishet
“afrocentric” truth, using this “afrocentrism” to offend dissident expressions,
practices, emotions, bodies, genders and sexes by calling them “whitening” and
“coloniality,” we invalidate the sexual soberany of black lgbtqi+ peoples/bodies
whose source of references is also their diaspora ancestry, in all its multiplicities. 9
we reproduce, perversely, the us against us, the cis-heterosexualising colonial
racism that erases our complexity, that dehumanises, explores, enslaves, kills,
rapes, fetishises, exotifies us – preventing us from calling our own names.
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roads
reading black lesbians i realised the urgency of creating our own words,
remembering ancestors. audre lorde refounds “zami” as a synonym for black
lesbianess in the diaspora; cheryl clark writes myth-archeological lesbian poems;
barbara smith’s literary criticism finds sexual dissident (mainly lesbians and gays)
authors, characters, plots. so, translating them into portuguese was the way i 10
searched for references for my own black lesbianess: aquilombar myself in the
word learned from other zami. clarke says: poetry has been the “the great
teacher of consciousness, of history, of self-love” (clarke 2006, 140) to black
peoples – therefore, it is so for black lesbians too.
settling our poetics in aqueerlombamento acuírlombamento was another
journey: comprehending the self-reassembling/re-creating through words as a
mythical-political act, a reinvention that is there not only despite the cis-
hetsexualizing colonial silencing but against it y (more importantly, to me)
coming from our own ancestral narratives, unburied from the memory kept by
stories badly told; to blossom them in the pungency of our bodies and desires. 11
from Erzulie Dantor to Vera Verão, y beyond: reorganizing our own history,
narrative, and subjectivity upon the sexual-dissident diasporic ancestry’s
assumption. 12
the comprehension of quilombo as resistance and organisation originates from
the writings by the atlantic beatriz nascimento, when she refuses the shallow
definition (“grouping of fugitive slaves”), redefining it: “plentiful forms of
resistance [through which] black people kept or embodied the hard fight for the
maintenance of their personal and historical identity.” the quilombo “[...]
represented a milestone in our people’s history concerning our capacity of
resistance and organisation” (nascimento 1985, 117).
ever since their origin in the continent’s Kilombos to the post-atlantic quilombos,
from the fifteenth century to the nineteenth century’s final years/twentieth
century’s initial years, they have changed from an institution to a rhetoric, a
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symbol of freedom: “precisely for having been for three centuries a free
institution parallel to the dominant system, its mystique will feed national
conscience’s yearnings for freedom,” “[...] desire for an utopia” (nascimento
1985, 123).
and connect abdias nascimento’s quilombista project to beatriz nascimento’s
definition, unfolding ourselves into cuíerlombismo to plough lgbtqi+ black
resistance as an exercise of freedom, an expansion of “resistance”’s traditional
meaning. to refound the notion of black literature, seen only as combative, as 13
a tool to denounce racism, idealised in binary-cishet-centric ideals of “black
man” and “black woman.” to question this way of doing, reading, and
comprehending black literature in which pain, suffering, heroism, revolt, cishet-
centrism would be dominant themes. for “dissing is not enough”
our historical being has a mythical origin. this is a lesson from our art that,
in contrast to art found in the so-called west, has, to us, the sense of a
natural and creative life experience. nourishment and expression of our
egalitarian beliefs and values, we take on the power of talent and
imagination as the most powerful instrument in our social communication
and in our dialogue with our deepest spiritual and historical roots. [...] nor
european rationalism, nor north-american mechanics; art is that other
eye, Ifá’s eye, that inspires, organises, signifies and infuses signification to
our journey in the historical and spiritual world (nascimento 1980/2002,
106).
denounce as diagnosis, deconstruction, calls for the next step: announcement,
(re-)creation. throughout their reconfiguration, quilombos became complex
organisational systems with cultural production, interracial convivence,
knowledge exchanges, and diverse decision-making systems. to flight y resist
was only the beginning of the whole thing. all of the rest was for the
maintenance of the second form of free, relatively horizontal societies’ daily life
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in a country of hierarchical, racialised formation. more than “groups of fugitive 14
slaves,” they were experimentations of freedom:
it is in the end of the 19th century that the quilombo receives the meaning
of an ideological instrument against oppression forms. its mystique will
nourish the dream of freedom of thousands of enslaved people [...] as an
ideological categorisation, the quilombo inaugurates the 20th century.
when the old regime ended, it took the establishment as resistance to
enslavement with it. but precisely for having being, for three centuries, a
free institution, parallel to the dominant system, its mystique will feed
national conscience’s yearnings for freedom (nascimento 1985, 222-223).
connecting nascimento b.’s pioneer conceptualisation to nascimento a.’s
project, i forge from my sexual-dissident afrodiasporic place the concept of
literary cuírlombism (nascimento t.). reacting to pain is also re-telling stories.
speaking up our pain allows us to search for healing (if this is our project. and, for
many of us, i think that it is). to feel the colonial wound, to think: how can we
heal this intimate, collective, old, persistent wide wound? even if denouncing
the cishetsexist racism is a constant need of affirmation for black lgbtqi+
existences, we have more than denouncements to make. especially through
our poetry, for it connects us to a black-sexual-dissident epistemic project
pervaded by narrative disputes.
racism has been trying, secularly, to shut us up by professing “authorised”
discourse about us. it steals our right to full, complex, diverse existence. but we
are complex beings. not only machines of resistance and denouncing. refusing
the resistance stereotype is also resisting, and more: existing fully, in the fullness
that, from the continent, we learned to build as a fundamental basis of life and
good living. the notion of misery, scarcity, poverty, and suffering as components
of blackness was invented by the colonial enterprise of kidnapping/trafficking/
exploration. that is why such rhetoric/ideas are essential to maintaining racism:
who invents us as enslaved are the enslavers. we have always been more and
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before; we have not even come to the americas through trafficking – Luzia
walked here with her own feet.
our textual production, one of the most important bridges we have in the
retelling and reinventing so much of erased stories (as we can see in the literary
works of fiction by alice walker, ana maria gonçalves, cidinha da silva,
conceição evaristo, dionne brand, jackie kay, míriam alves, toni morrison,
among others), is also a tool to project ourselves into the future – that belongs to
us and needs to be brilliantly black. dazzlingly dissident. as artists, we have been
getting used to the duty of denouncing (that grants us immediate intelligibility,
legitimacy, recognition) and, at times, forgetting our – human – right to
daydream – artistic calling. we belittle its power of projecting new worlds. we
starve the mouth of our dreams’ future, with which it grows and fits us.
more than 10 years after i began my first translations due to the lack of national
references, it is exciting to see more and more black lesbian, transexual, travesti,
gay, cuíer literature being produced y published here. this literature creates new
worlds, builds re-mythologies/neo-mythologies. it writes resistance – and it does
not. it is as much theoretical episteme as it is fictional, imagery nourishing. i have
been reading poems and key-lines, taking as my responsibility y challenge the
fathoming and diffusion of our sexual-dissident diaspora’s literary production not
only as a tool of deconstructing/disassembling the hipercishetsexualisation and
silencing backbones, but as re-doing, re-making. y beyond [our] reaction that is
still responsive to the colonial cis-heteronormative racist cistem y still takes this
cistem as reference, what is our making? what are our steps in self-determined,
self-founded action?
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routes
the poem “atire a.” [throw the.] by kika sena – black art educator, trans woman,
and travesti – unveils the importance of turning points. with the lines “soon / they
could not contain me” (sena 2017, 66), she fractures the expectation of a
cause-effect relationship, stating that, as a result of all the destruction attempts
against her, she ended up becoming incoercible. in the final stanza, she claims
knowing how to react, not only how to resist, to pain. having stood for such a
long time as a discursive duty to which we could not turn our backs – under
penalty of the “not black enough/truly black” accusation –, the pain paradigm
has been being transformed by the affirmation of our right to daydream, the
organisation of the resistance to turn black lgbtqi+ literature into literacure – to
the colonial wound. our poems can be read as obvious resistance (the
“manifesto-poetry” in the words of daisy serena: reactive, pro/vocative), but, as
sena herself says, “y there’s more.”
[...]
tacaram fogo nim mim
tacaram fogo no meu cabelo
tacaram fogo na minha pele
tacaram fogo nos meus olhos
tacaram fogo na minha respiração
tacaram fogo na minha voz
logo
não puderam me conter
poluí seus ares com meu grito
queimei suas casas caras brancas
com meu choro
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queimei suas esperanças brancas
tingi tudo de preto
sou brasa forte
tição pós-apocalíptico
pior que deuses ditadores
não mexe
não mexe
não mexe
não mexe comigo não…
que à dor
à dor
à dor
à dor
eu sei reagir.
[...]
they set fire to me
they set fire to my hair
they set fire to my skin
they set fire to my eyes
they set fire to my breath
they set fire to my voice
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soon
they could not contain me
i fouled their air with my scream
i burned their fancy white houses
with my cry
i burned their white hopes
i painted everything black
i am a tenacious ember
post-apocalyptic cinder
i am worse than dictator gods
don’t mess
don’t mess
don’t mess
don’t you dare mess with me…
because to pain
to pain
to pain
to pain
i know how to react.
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the stereotype of constant resistance that freezes us in the denunciation frame is
essential to racism’s supporting structure, which is a machine of death,
dehumanisation, silencing, interruption of access, etc. we are dealing with a
whole organizing set in the space-time of physical/psychological/epistemic/
religious/cultural extermination policies; that is to say, necropolitics, which is the
source of some social groups’ wealthiness at the expense of other social groups’
impoverishment. we need to have a lot of strength to resist and survive physical
genocides, symbolic epistemicides, mental, physical, and environmental
sickness. we have developed many forms of resistance before, we do it today, y
we still will develop them as response/reaction. i imagine that this (more
obvious) racism-denouncing poetry is nearly 70% of contemporary black
poetry’s content. it is proliferated in spoken word events, in battles (rhyme
battles and poetry slams), self-published books, and books published by
independent publishing houses, poetry blogs, social media (text, photo, and
video) and in zines.
because “first we were born in egypt and then we were born here,” as little
malik – black sapatão raio gomes’ child – said, our existence informs not only
about what happened after the kidnapping/trafficking/enslavement, a
historical crime that exacted y still exacts several strategies of resistance from us,
but not only: reconstruction strategies too. literature is one of those forms of art
through which we can invent (im)possible, utopic, dystopian new worlds: we
found place in the telling. we create kuírlombos, not only of resistance but also
of dream, affection, and seeds.
with “poetry is not a luxury” i feed my thoughts on black lgbtqi+ literature as an
experimentation space, a space of creativity, of the unique/unexpected. a
visionary, (afro)futurist space that “[...] is a vital necessity of our existence. it
[poetry] forms the quality of the light within which we predicate our hopes and
dreams toward survival and change, first made into language, then into idea,
then into more tangible action” (lorde 1984, 37). and up from this movement
(language > idea > action) i plant my reading in “o poder de ver a beleza no
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que um dia pensei ser maldito” [the power of seeing beauty in what once i
thought was wretched], by kati souto (2018, 19), a non-binary black sapatão
from brasília:
e eles dizem que eu já não posso ser o que sou e o que me tornei
e na verdade nunca havia sido tão bela
tão cor
e eles temiam: maldita! perversa! indigna!
e eu sorrindo digo: suave.
enquanto danço por mim mesma vejo a beleza do que eles dizem
maldição
um giro. um eu esquecido. parte não de mim. um pulo
correntes longas caem de minha cabeça e das minhas mãos e dos
meus pés
leve. uma pirueta. suave. doce. lábios macios. um olhar que me
perfura. um não erro
de se amar mulher
de ser mulher
um poder
não uma maldição
de se ter capacidade de ler tantas linhas de decifrar enigmas
da mais bela poesia
autora: vida
e sorrindo eu digo: é suave
and they say i can no longer be who i am and what i’ve become
and to tell the truth i had never been so beautiful
so colourful
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and they feared: evil! perverse! unworthy!
and smiling i say: chill.
while i dance for myself i see the beauty in what they curse
a spin. a forgotten i. a part not of myself. a hop
long chains fall from my head and from my hands and feet
weightless. a pirouette. smooth. sweet. tender lips. a look that
pierces me, a non mistake
loving a woman
being a woman
power
not a curse
being able to read so many lines and deciphering enigmas
of the most beautiful poem
author: life
and smiling i say: it’s chill
the lyrical i frees themself from shackles, shakes, breaking chains, expectations,
they become themself: “and to tell the truth i had never been so beautiful / so
colourful.” and they levitate! more than the dream of the laughter in fanon, the
woke, smooth smile, unlikely response to the race, sex, gender constraints that
no longer curse them. the poem’s kinetic profusion of images relate to the anti-
colonial dreamlike-frenetic in the wretched of the earth:
a world compartmentalized, manichaean and petrified, a world of
statues. [...] that is the colonial world. the colonial subject is a man
penned in; apartheid is but one method of compartmentalizing the
colonial world. the first thing the colonial subject learns is to remain in his
place and not overstep its limits. hence the dreams of the colonial subject
are muscular dreams, dreams of action, dreams of aggressive vitality. i
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dream i am jumping, swimming, running and climbing. i dream i burst out
laughing, i am leaping across a river and chased by a pack of cars that
never catches up with me. during colonization the colonized subject frees
himself night after night between nine in the evening and six in the
morning (fanon 2004, 15).
the poem echoes, earthly adobe, smooth y organic. with it i build walls full of
windows of a literary cuíerlombism made into affective, hormonal, poetical,
cultural, sexual, revolutionary politics, conjuring sharp words to cut not only the
veils of the established history, but the ties of a future where we cannot exist, not
even create fiction, let alone dance, smile, have fun, take it easy. this poethics,
heiress – and disruptive – of a more than thirty-year-old pain-centred black
brazilian literary tradition, disengages us from a world project that, along with
wanting us dead, does not want us to dream.
reacting to pain can even cure it. but refusing the cishetsexualising colonial
project refounds our black cuíer practices/experiences/subjectivities in the
paradigms we wish, not the imposed one, not only pain. more than react and
denounce, liberate, in the name of the refusal to keep this literature exclusively
as a response to white-colonial shackles/stereotypes/models that try to erase
queerasporas, to impose their own sadic gaze to define us, that gaze that loves
seeing us suffer and mask their sense of taste with “how important/
transformative/moving it is to see your pain” rhetoric.
however, the more our poethics bleeds us, the more it feeds the sadist appetite
the white cis-heteronormative gaze calls “compassion,” “gratitude,” “learning.”
after 300 years of sadist enslavement, of whipping treated as popular
entertainment at public squares, of justice mistaken for lynching, how much is
there of learning/commotion and how much of it is historical and social sadist
pleasure visually built on the exhibition of black bodies’ suffering? the update of
this gaze through racist journalism associates the “good citizen’s security and
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tatiana nascimento: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain
well-being” to the exposure of young black bodies, of black men murdered by
the police as the main dish on tv shows during lunchtime: they indeed gobble
our suffering. they feed from the midiatic exhibition of our dead.
as a poet, i pay attention to the public’s racial distribution when selecting my
repertoire, so i will not risk exhibiting my guts to those who just want to devour
me. i do not think it is a coincidence that our production is commonly called
“visceral”: this compliment reminds me almost instantly of vulturism (i hope this
reference to non-human people do not fall into the specist and derogatory
conceptions usually associated with vultures, it could be any other being who
lives from carrion).
i have been searching for and building black-oriented ways, especially in my
poetry/songs, to poetically express myself, instead of white-responsive/white-
instigator ways. the contrast between the receptions of my poems “cuíer
A.P.” [cuíer A.P.] y “diz/faço qualquer trabalho (y m/eu amor de volta tododia)´
[i un/do any spell (y m/y love back everyday)] stresses the internalisation of that
gaze – and racism is, after all, one of the first relational pedagogies we learn. 15
the first poem, to/about “them” went viral. the second one, to/about “us,”
about how we not only survive but live, fly, not only go against expectations and
statistics but also honour the broad history of our skins, sexes, affections y our
passage that has a previous to colonisation y afrofuturist existence point: our
axé.
the apocalyptic, accusative poem is poor in images and expressive phonetic
artifice, it is formally average (despite its content’s power). the second one is
mythical, metaphorical, explores sonorities, wanders among profuse references,
it has an epic narrative elaboration: it is, in its content and form, stunning. to me,
it is a kind of love, cure, vitality ebó that i wish to offer to those who enjoy my
poetry. this one is however less diffused; why? y by whom? how do we get rid of
the white gaze’s introjection that expects/inspects us seeking for a pain that,
when it is not there, makes us ex-o(p)tic(s) (outside their optics)?
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our poethics announces worlds, subjectivities, epistemes that we had already
built, that we are building right now y that we will keep building based on
ancestral, sexual-dissident, diasporic blacknesses claimed by the loose word:
devaneigros. we are a re-creationist big-bang. we make our flight routes while 16
we cuddle. as an educator-researcher i insist in the diffusion of these opposing-
glasses, other readings’ keys: it is our responsibility to resist the constraint of the
black y/or lgbtqi+ poetry we look for, read, diffuse and research, in the rigid
frames of colonial paradigms. i wind up this essay with the sidereal sensation of
the poem “cosmos,” by a black sapatão from são paulo, laila oliveira:
elementos distraídos
pelo espaço
repara,
os campos de forças se chamam
em um segundo em anos luz
as galáxias se fundem
e do nosso pó de estrelas
é feito o futuro
absent-minded elements
all over the space
observe,
force fields attract each other
in a second in light-years
the galaxies merge
and out of our stardust
the future is made
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tatiana nascimento: literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of pain
for literary cuírlombism is this distraction, a deep y light drift, exorbitant y
purposeful, the moment we feel that black lgbtqi+ poetry does not have to be
only pow pow pow: it is about dust – of stars, forging our future in the galaxy's
friction. y this lesson, just like the black sexual dissidence in the diaspora, is
afrofuturist ancestral technology.
references
clarke, cheryl. 2006. the days of good looks: the prose and poetry of cheryl clarke, 1980 to 2005.
new york: da capo press.
fanon, frantz. 1968. os condenados da terra. translated by josé laurênio de melo. rio de janeiro:
civilização brasileira.
———. 2004. the wretched of the earth. translated by richard philcox. new york: grove press.
lorde, audre. 1984. “poetry is not a luxury.” in: sister, outsider: essays and speeches. new york: the
crossing press feminist series.
———. 1982. zami: a new spelling of my name: a biomythography by audre lorde. berkeley: the
crossing press.
nascimento, abdias. 1980/2002 o quilombismo. brasília/rio de janeiro: fundação palmares, or
editor produtor. https://issuu.com/institutopesquisaestudosafrobrasile/docs/
quilombismo_final.
nascimento, beatriz. 1985/2007. “o conceito de quilombo e a resistência cultural negra.”in eu
sou atlântica: sobre a trajetória de vida de beatriz nascimento, de alex ratts. são paulo:
imprensa oficial, instituto kwanza. https://www.imprensaoficial.com.br/downloads/pdf/
projetossociais/eusouatlantica.pdf
nascimento, tatiana. 2016. lundu. brasília: padê editorial. www.pade.lgbt/tatiana.
oliveira, laila. 2018. deve haver haveres para que a gente siga existindo. brasília: padê editorial.
http://pade.lgbt/loja/22-laila-oliveira-deve-haver-haveres-para-que-a-gente-siga-
existindo/
sena, kika. 2017. periférica. brasília: padê editorial. http://pade.lgbt/loja/periferica/
souto, kati. 2018. escura.noite. brasília: padê editorial. http://pade.lgbt/loja/escura-noite-kati-
souto/
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https://issuu.com/institutopesquisaestudosafrobrasile/docs/quilombismo_final
https://issuu.com/institutopesquisaestudosafrobrasile/docs/quilombismo_final
https://www.imprensaoficial.com.br/downloads/pdf/projetossociais/eusouatlantica.p
https://www.imprensaoficial.com.br/downloads/pdf/projetossociais/eusouatlantica.p
https://www.imprensaoficial.com.br/downloads/pdf/projetossociais/eusouatlantica.p
http://www.pade.lgbt/tatiana
http://pade.lgbt/loja/22-laila-oliveira-deve-haver-haveres-para-que-a-gente-siga-existindo/
http://pade.lgbt/loja/22-laila-oliveira-deve-haver-haveres-para-que-a-gente-siga-existindo/
http://pade.lgbt/loja/periferica/
http://pade.lgbt/lo
http://pade.lgbt/lo
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in 2009 i started using "y" [and], a spanish conjunction, instead of "e," its brazilian portuguese 1
correspondent, as a double exercise: to search for more informality in written expression (for the spanish
conjunction's phonation is similar to how the "e" sounds in brazilian spoken language) y to politically/
geographically insert a distinctly latina mark in my production (something questioning brazilian continental
sub-imperialism y its refusal to latinidad). first in poetry y then in academic prose, i think it is important to
point out that i was the first author to use this mark that is now broadly used by marginal poetry writers and
counterhegemonic researchers.
T.N.: Oxum, Oyá, Otim and Ossanha are Orisha, part of Candomblé, and part of African diasporic religious 2
traditions that have their origins in Ifá. We maintained the Brazilian Portuguese spelling of the Orisha’s
names.
T.N.: from the Kimbundu word kilombo, means “war field,” “village,” “warrior association.” In Brazil, since 3
the XIX century, quilombos were communities built by fugitive former enslaved people. The author
develops its multiple meanings and resignifications along the text.
T.N.: mulata is the Portuguese spelling for mulatta; author’s note: the black rapist myth (a rapist that 4
targets especially white women) is foundational to the invention of “lynching,” the word, the practice, the
racialisation of this practice, and the association of black male sexuality with panic; The word “cistem”
spelled with the C is a denunciation of a trans-excluding cisgender societal system.
in 2014, uganda’s president sanctioned the law criminalizing homosexuality, stating it was “a struggle 5
against western social imperialism:” western meaning white.
T.N.: egun is a Yoruba term that refers to deceased ancestors, it is related to religious practices of African 6
matrices.
T.N.: Odé is one of Oxossi’s names.7
T.N.: gira is an Umbanda’s religious practice; xirê is a Candomblé’s religious practice.8
and even it reflects the colonial ambiguity: (what) if non-cis-hetnormative sexual practices/gender 9
identity expressions are only blackly ancestral, re-incident, dissident when compared to the sex/gender/
affective model of the colonial civilisatory process itself.
[zami is] “a carriacou name for women who work together as friends and lovers" (lorde 1982, 255). in 10
grenadian patois, the expression transmutes the french expression “les amies.”
T.N.: in Brazilian Portuguese the author uses the verb "assentar" [to settle] in reference to the 11
assentamentos [settlements] of Brazilian Candomblé.
[Erzulie Dantor and Vera Verão] respectively: a haitian goddess, lesbian patroness, and the first black 12
drag queen i ever saw (on brazilian tv) when i was still a child (in the 1980’s), impersonated by the black
bicha actor jorge lafond.
abdias nascimento was an intellectual known not only by his intellectual and political brilliancy, but also 13
by his sexism. his programme defines quilombismo as “[...] a brazilian black political movement, with the
goal of establishing a Quilombista National State, inspired by the República dos Palmares’ [Palmares
Republic] model” with the basic purpose of “promoting happiness to the human being” (nascimento
1980/2002, 369).
the first form being, to this day, indigenous peoples.14
“cuíer A.P.” better known as “apocalipse queer” [queer apocalypse]: http://bit.ly/cuierAP; “diz/faço 15
qualquer trabalho (y m/eu amor de volta tododia)”: http://bit.ly/diz-faço
author’s note: as i re-make in lundu (2016); T.N.: devaneigros is a wordplay with the words devaneio 16
(daydreams; fantasy; rave) and negros (black).
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
ani ganzala
Watercolour and Graffiti Artist
Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
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ani ganzala
I develop techniques in watercolour because I do like the element water mixed
with fluid colours, lines, marks and strokes of expression which overflow from me
to the skin paper whose pores absorb those fluids as earth absorbs rain. I use my
overflowing angst and anxiety, utopias and desires as ink to delineate spaces
and translate ideas on the skin-paper, so these feelings and ideas don’t end up
within myself, but hit your eyes.
How to cite
ganzala, ani. 2020. “Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil”. Caribbean Review of
Gender Studies, Issue 14: 233-246
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Odoya
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"O que tem no meio do oceano que une Brasil e
África, ainda é um grande cemitério."
______________________________________________________
“What lies in the middle of the ocean and connects
Africa and Brazil, still is a huge cemetery.”
Vilma Reis
E muitos outros mistérios…
___________________________
And many other mysteries…
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Confirmação para Ekede
______________________
Confirmation as Ekede
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Musa Mattiuzzi
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Incenso
________
Incense
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Como a Colônia nos Vestiu:
negras em Abya Yala no periodo colonial
___________________________
How the Colony Dressed us:
Black women in Abya Yala during the colonial period
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Salvador e Caribe
__________________
Salvador and the Caribbean
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"Nos robaron de nuestrxs cuerpos y ahora nos estamos retomando"
_________________________________________________________________
“We were stolen from our bodies, but now we are taking ourselves back.”
Qwo-Li Driskill
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Sonhos ancestrais afroindígenas
________________________________
Afroindigenous Ancestral Dreams
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Embondeiro Baobá
___________________
Baobab Tree
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ani ganzala: Watercolour and Graffiti Artist, Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Casa amarela
______________
Yellow house
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Guardiã, adupé!
_______________
Guardian, adupé!
A guardiã: inspirado na leitura de Sobonfu Somé
_______________________________________________
The guardian: inspired by my readings of Sobonfu Somé
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ISSUE 14
Kuírlombo Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue
Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Editors: Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui
Rodrigues, Simone Brandão Souza, Jess Oliveira and Bruna
Barros
Editors Biographies
Dr. Tanya L. Saunders is an associate professor at the Center for Latin American
Studies at University of Florida. As a sociologist interested in the ways in which the
African Diaspora throughout the Americas uses the arts as a tool for social
change. As a 2011-2012 Fulbright scholar to Brazil, Dr. Saunders began work on
their current project about Black Queer Artivism in Brazil. This is a continuation of
their research on race, gender, sexuality, and arts-based social movements in
Cuba. In 2016 they, and their colleagues at the State University of Santa
Caterina (UDESC) and the Pontifical Catholic University in São Paulo (PUC-SP),
were awarded the Abdias do Nascimento Award for Academic Development,
funded by CAPES, Brazil. The grant-funded faculty member, organised research
and student exchanges and collaborations between the University of Florida,
UDESC, and PUC-SP from 2017-2019. They were also the UF LGBTQ Affairs Faculty
Fellow for the 2018-2019 academic year.
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
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Dr. Saunders holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, and a Master of International Development Policy from the Gerald R. Ford
School of Public Policy.
Jész Ipólito is a fat and black sapatão, Sagittarius, almost 30 years old, born in
the interior of São Paulo. She is part of a black family that has undergone a
strong whitening process over time, the rule is "cleaning the family". Today, Jész is
the first of her family to go to a public university. She is also the last black person
in her family.
She is the creator and writer of the Gorda & Sapatão blog, covering themes
concerning blackness, black feminism, lesbianism, fatphobia, and the fat body.
In the academic field, she has already studied Journalism, Public Policy
Management, and Museology, but never graduated in any of them. At last, she
found her path in university in Gender and Diversity at the Federal University of
Bahia. She began her path in politics in the Unified Black Movement MNU in
2011, still in São Paulo, where she developed activities concerning black youth,
black feminism, and sexuality. In 2014, she was one of the organizers of the I
Intersectional Feminism Camp in São Paulo, bringing together 150 young
people, most of them black and indigenous, in 3 days of political training.
Currently, she is part of the National Articulation of Black Young Feminists – ANJF,
an organization that brings together young black women from 15 to 31 years of
age in all regions of Brazil in the fight against racism, sexism, LGBTphobia and
other forms of oppression. In 2017, she was part of the executive committee that
organized the II National Meeting of Black Young Feminists, bringing together
400 young black women from every region of the country, an occasion that
resulted in the official creation of the ANJF. She also works with black women
movements in Bahia and in Brazil’s Northeast region.
She is an intern at the Public Defender's Office of the State of Bahia - DPE-BA, in
the group of Population in Street Situation - POPRUA, working directly with
vulnerable populations, promoting access to justice in the different fields of work
of DPE-BA. She is an autonomous consultant for social projects, focusing on small
black women's, youth and LGBTQ + organizations and collectives. facilitating
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fundraising and management processes through popular education, fostering
the autonomy and self-management of these groups in dialogues with major
funders.
She is a great enthusiast and student of social media, internet, images, and
speech. She works as a media coordinator at Revista Afirmativa, a black press
vehicle that produces online content and a press magazine.
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues is a Sapatão and feminist activist who has been
working with teacher training of public education network and public security
agents for gender, sexuality, and ethnic-racial diversity in Brazil since 2009. From
2014 to 2016 she worked on a project of mapping the political participation of
feminist lesbians in social movements in Argentina, Colombia, Uruguay, and
Brazil. She is part of Liga Brasileira de Lésbicas and is currently finishing her
master’s degree in Latin American Studies at the University of Florida. She holds
a Master's degree in Education from the Federal University of Tocantins, Brazil
(2016). Specialist in Gender and Sexuality by the Latin American Center for
Sexuality and Human Rights - CLAM / State University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
(2011) and in Management of Non-Governmental Organizations by Presbyterian
University Mackenzie, São Paulo, Brazil (2007). She holds a bachelor’s degree in
International Relations from the Ibero-American University Center (2006). She
was a member of the Advisory Group on Civil Society of the UN Women Brazil
(2015-2017). And she is also part of the LGBT Coalition that operates within the
Organization of American States (OAS). She is interested in and works with
Feminism, International Relations, Social Movements, Gender, Sexuality, Latin
American Studies, Human Rights, Sexual and Reproductive Rights, Public
Security, Public Policies, and Education.
Simone Brandão Souza is an Adjunct Professor in the Social Service Course at the
Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia (UFRB) and a permanent professor in
the Graduate Program in Social Policy and Territories, also at UFRB.
She holds a Ph.D. in Culture and Society from the Multidisciplinary Graduate
Program in Culture and Society at the Federal University of Bahia - UFBA, a
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Master's degree in Population Studies and Social Research from ENCE / IBGE
and a Social Worker from the Federal Fluminense University - UFF. She is leader of
the LES group - Laboratory of Studies and Research in Lesbianities, Gender, Race
and Sexualities at UFRB and researcher in the line Lesbianity, Intersectionals and
Feminisms at NUCUS - Research and Extension Center in Cultures, Genders and
Sexualities at UFBA. She is a militant lesbian, a member of the Rede Lesbi Brasil
(Lesbian Brazil Network).
Jess Oliveira is a Black sapatão translator, poet and editor. Visiting professor in
the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at Colorado College. Ph.D. student
in Literature and Culture at Federal University of Bahia (UFBA). She holds a
Master’s degree in Translation Studies from the Federal University of Santa
Catarina (UFSC) and a B.A. degree in German and Portuguese from the
University of São Paulo (USP). Jess works mainly with poetry and performance
across the Black Diaspora, focusing on the Black German and Black Brazilian
productions in a comparative perspective. She is also an Associate Researcher
of the Group Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro – [Translating in the Black Atlantic]
at UFBA.
Bruna Barros is a Black sapatão artist, translator, filmmaker, writer, poet and
editor. Undergraduate Major in English at Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) and
Associate Researcher of the Research Group Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro
[Translating in the Black Atlantic] (UFBA). Literature, poetry, cinema, translation
and adaptation are among their main interests, both in life and in their work as a
researcher. Bruna is also interested in the study of Black English – or African
American Vernacular English. Concerning their work as a filmmaker, they wrote
and directed the short film "Amor de Ori" (2017) and co-wrote and co-directed
the short documentary "à beira do planeta mainha soprou a gente" (2020), both
of which portray Black sapatão love.
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Contributors Biographies
Rita Helena Borret is a Family Physician who works at the Municipal Health
Secretariat of Rio de Janeiro. She is a Member of the Working Group Gender,
Sexuality, Diversity and Rights of the Brazilian National Society of Family Medicine.
Dayana Brunetto is a Postdoctoral Fellow in Education. Professor of Didactics at
the Federal University of Paraná – UFPR; Researcher in the Laboratório de
Investigação em Corpo, Gênero e Subjetividades na Educação (LABIN/UFPR) –
[Research Laboratory on Body, Gender and Subjectivities in Education] and in the
Rede Nacional de Ativistas e Pesquisadoras Lésbicas e Bissexuais [National
Network of Lesbian and Bisexual Activists and Researchers] – Rede LésBi Brasil.
Renata Carneiro Vieira is a Family Physician who works at State Health Secretariat
of Rio de Janeiro and a Member of the Working Group Gender, Sexuality, Diversity
and Rights of the Brazilian National Society of Family Medicine.
Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior is a PhD candidate at the School of
Communication at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro.
Aline Dias dos Santos is a Researcher at LEGH-UFSC (Laboratory of Gender and
History Studies). Associate Researcher at IEG - (Institute for Gender Studies) and
Ph.D. student in History at Federal University of Santa Catarina.
Aline P. do Nascimento is a Black fat sapatona from Brazil’s Northeast, born and
raised in the Global South. Undergraduate student majoring in Geography at
Federal University of Bahia. Volunteer teacher at Quilombo Educacional Vilma
Reis. Social educator with focus in critical race theory and sexuality. One of the
idealisers of the cultural production Ocupação Sapatão.
formiga aka formigão (also Aline do Nascimento Aguiar) is a light skinned, 29
years old against all the odds (i was born in oktober, 1990) in the são paulo south
zone’s deep south. i am a poet, kapoeira y sapatão. i’ve been publishing in a
couple of ontologies like perifeminas (2013), além dos quartos (2015), poemas
para combater o fascismo (2018), a resistência dos vagalumes (2019), among
others. i also had some poetry zines spread in the streets, namely: aversão poétika
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/DayanaBrunetto.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RenataCarneiroVieira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RibamarJosedeOliveiraJunior.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlineDiasdosSantos.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlinePdoNascimento.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/formigao.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2017/index.asp
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(2012 - 2015), eu-lésbika (2014) by edições herétika, seis sentidos (2016). i work with
independent zines by edições formigueiro since 2017. i kreate the non-periodikal
komic book lesbo ódio since 2018. afro latina (2018) is my poem book published
by padê editorial, it is in its sekond edition (2020) with a brand new foreword.
Sheyla dos S. Trindade is a Black fat sapatona activist from Brazil’s Northeast.
Member of Coletivo Diversidade, Gênero e Negritude SindUte/Gy. She holds a
B.A. in Geography from Faculdade de Tecnologia e Ciências – FTC (Science and
Technology College). Teacher of basic education in the state of Minas Gerais.
One of the idealisers of the cultural production Ocupação Sapatão.
Barbara Falcão is a M.A. student undertaking a master’s degree in Languages
and Literature at the Faculty of Philosophy, Languages and Literature and Human
Sciences – University of São Paulo (FFLCH-USP).
Milena Fonseca Fontes holds a master’s degree in History from the Catholic
Pontifical University of São Paulo (PUC-SP) and has been a member of the
Siriricando block since its foundation. E-mail: blocosiriricando@gmail.com
Lore Fortes, PhD, Sociology is an Associate Professor of the Graduate Program of
Sociology at Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN).
ani ganzala is a watercolor and graffiti artist. She explains “I develop techniques in
watercolour because I do like the element water mixed with fluid colours, lines,
marks and strokes of expression which overflow from me to the skin paper whose
pores absorb those fluids as earth absorbs rain. I use my overflowing angst and
anxiety, utopias and desires as ink to delineate spaces and translate ideas on the
skin-paper, so these feelings and ideas don’t end up within myself, but hit your
eyes.”
S. Tay Glover is founder of The Witch Goddess Wellness and thewitchgoddess.com
her holistic spiritual wellness lifestyle brand and media platform that houses her
modern mystic creative content, and consulting-healing services. She is a medium
and shamanic artist; certified Reiki Master Teacher, Tantric Psychosomatic Touch
Practitioner, and Intimacy Coach. She holds an M.A. and doctoral candidacy in
African American Studies from Northwestern University, an M.A. in Women's,
Gender and Sexuality Studies, and a B.A. in Women's Studies and Political Science
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MilenaFonsecaFontes.asp
mailto:blocosiriricando@gmail.com
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LoreFortes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/STayGlover.asp
http://thewitchgoddess.com
Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, Issue 13, June 2019
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2017/index.asp
from The Ohio State University. Her scholarship centers critical theory; black lesbian
and queer southern geographies and sexual politics; decolonial feminist thought,
methodologies, activism, and pedagogy; and educational studies of queer
student experiences. She has presented her original research variously, and been
instrumental in various administrative efforts to support wellness and equity for
black women and queer students of color. Her recently published work
contributes the first queer decolonial theoretical account of marginalized
underrepresented graduate student abuse and push-out in the academy,
bridging the literature written about racialized-gendered abuse and push-out in
secondary education, and accounts by experiences of professors of color who
died too soon” that teachers, equity practitioners, and social justice student orgs/
labor union groups are using as a tool in their social justice and institutional
change efforts. Her published work can be found in The NASAP Journal, Feminist
Teacher, American Quarterly and thewitchgoddess.com.
Norma Rita Guillard Limonta is a Psychologist, Afrofeminist, Communicator and
Member of the Cuban Society of Psychology
Flavia Meireles is a Ph.D. in Communication and Culture at the Federal University
of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Assistant Professor at CEFET-RJ (Brazil). Associate
Researcher of QDFCT (Queer Studies, Decolonial Feminist and Cultural
Transformations) at Justus-Liebeg Universität Giessen (Germany). Her work was
recently shown at “Transcontinental Queerness” at McGill University in Montreal
(Canada) and “Cuerpos y Creacion: practicas universitarias” at Uruguay
University (UDELAR) in Montevideo (Uruguay). Her main interests are grassroots
social movements, cultural and artistic contexts; politics of the body, gender,
racialization, sexualities, and decolonial feminists approach.
Tatiana Nascimento is a 39-year-old wordsmith from brasília: poet, composer,
singer, translator, videomaker, educator. editor of artesanal books by black/LBTQI
authors in padê editorial, phd in translation studies, aquarian.
www.pade.lgbt/tatiana | @tatiananascivento
Léo Ribas is the National Coordinator of the Rede Lésbi Brasil and state
coordinator of the Liga Brasileira de Lésbicas do Paraná [Brazilian League of
Lesbians of Paraná] – LBL.
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/FlaviaMeireles.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/tatiananascimento.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LeoRibas.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2017/index.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp UWI IGDS CRGS Issue 13 ISSN 1995-1108
Suane Felippe Soares, PhD, Bioethics, Applied Ethics and Collective Health holds a
master’s degree in Bioethics, Applied Ethics and Collective Health and a B.A in
History from the Universidade Federal Fluminense [Fluminense Federal University].
She is also a specialist in Gender and Sexuality from Instituto de Medicina Social
(IMS-UERJ) – [Institute of Social Medicine]. Currently she is a PhD student in the
Graduate Program in Social History at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, where
she was a lecturer of Bioethics and Applied Ethics.
Translators Biographies
Alanne Maria de Jesus is a Literature teacher and a Master's student in Literature
and Culture at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) whose interests include
black publishing industry, discourse analysis and literary theory. Associate
Researcher of the Group Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro [Translating in Black
Atlantic] at UFBA.
Tito Mitjans Alayón is an Afrocuban transmasculine non binary feminist and
queer. Tito holds a Master’s in Interdisciplinaries Studies of Cuban, Caribbean
and Latin American History and is completing a PhD in Intervention and Feminist
Studies at Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas (2015 to 2020).
Ayala Tude is an ESL (English as a Second Language) Teacher and Master’s
student in Literature and Culture at Federal University of Bahia – UFBA. Member
and associate researcher of the Research Group Traduzindo no Atlântico Negro
[Translating in the Black Atlantic ] at UFBA.
Bruna Barros (See Editors Biographies)
Jess Oliveira (See Editors Biographies)
Marina Pandeló
Cintia Rodrigues
Caroline Santos
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https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TitoMitjansAlayon.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AyalaTude.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
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CRGS Issue 14
Kuírlombo Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
About
The title for this Special Issue was inspired by the work of poet, literary scholar and writer Tatiana
Nascimento, and the poet formiga (both of whom have work featured in this Special Issue).
The word kuírlombo is a play on the words quilombo and cuir. The word quilombo is the word
maroon, palenque and cumbe in English, Spanish and Portuguese respectively. The word
cimarrón (Spanish), marron (French), quilombola (Portuguese) refers to the people who
liberated themselves from enslavement. Quilombo comes from the word Kilombo, which is from
the Kimbundu language of the Ngola nation of the Congo.
In Eurocentric historical texts written about the Americas, these communities are referred to as
runaway slave communities. In fact, they were societies of people, many of whom liberated
themselves from enslavement, and were (what we would call today) multiracial and multi-
ethnic societies given the type of democratic (for lack of a better word) societies that they
created. As a result of the democratic social and religious structures that emerged in these
communities, they were often implicitly/explicitly anti-capitalist. Members of these communities
were living another vision of social order in the face of the oppressive societies established by
various forms of European colonialism in the Americas.
Abdias do Nascimento, one of the key figures in the founding of contemporary Brazilian Black
Studies, defined Kilombismo as a competing vision of social organization that emerged from
the political and economic engagement of Africans in the Americas. It is an Afrocentric
perspective that Nascimento argued is reflected in movements such as the Haitian Revolution,
Garveyism and the Pan-African movement. Kilombismo is a form of African resistance centred
on building free communities rooted in economic, political, social and cultural structures that
are rooted in African cultural legacies.
Read more: https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
Open access online journal:
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/
index.asp
Flipbook format
http://issuu.com/igdssau
Academia.edu
https://
independent.academia.edu/
IGDSStAugustineUnit
Institute for Gender and
Development Studies
St. Augustine Campus, Trinidad
and Tobago
http://sta.uwi.edu/igds/
Email: igds@sta.uwi.edu
Phone: 1-868-662-2002
Ext 83572/83577/83868
Editors
Tanya L. Saunders
Associate Professor, Center for Latin American
Studies, University of Florida
Jessica Ipólito
Creator and Writer, Gorda & Sapatão blog
Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues
Masters Student in Latin American Studies,
University of Florida
Simone Brandão Souza
Professor, Graduate Program, Social Policy and
Territories & Adjunct Professor, Social Service,
Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia
(UFRB), Brazil
Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor, Department of Spanish and
Portuguese, Colorado College
Bruna Barros Undergraduate Major in English,
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Translators
Alanne Maria de Jesus
Master's Student in Literature and Culture,
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Tito Mitjans Alayón
PhD Candidate in Intervention and Feminist
Studies, Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de
Chiapas (2015 to 2020)
Ayala Tude
Master’s Student in Literature and Culture,
Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Bruna Barros
Undergraduate Major in English, Federal
University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil
Jess Oliveira
Visiting Professor, Department of Spanish and
Portuguese, Colorado College
Marina Pandeló
Cintia Rodrigues
Caroline Santos
Caribbean Review of Gender
Studies
Issue 14
Kuírlombo
Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue
Genders and
Sexualities in Brazil
Cover art
ani ganzala
“Incenso” | “Incense”
watercolor
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/artists.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://issuu.com/igdssau
https://independent.academia.edu/IGDSStAugustineUnit
http://sta.uwi.edu/igds/
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TanyaSaunders.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://gordaesapatao.com.br/
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlanneMariadeJesus.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TitoMitjansAlayon.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AyalaTude.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/artists.asp
Editorial
1–16 Kuírlombo Epistemologies
Introduction to the CRGS Special Issue. Genders and Sexualities in Brazil
Tanya L. Saunders, Jessica Ipólito, Mariana Meriqui Rodrigues and
Simone Brandão Souza
Translation by Alanne Maria de Jesus, Ayala Tude and Tito Mitjans Alayón
Peer Reviewed Essays
43–52 Black Sapatão Translation Practices: Healing Ourselves a Word Choice
at a Time Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
53–72 Towards a Transnational Black Feminist Theory of The Political Life of
Marielle Franco S. Tay Glover and Flavia Meireles
73–96 Lesbian Resistances: Social Representations of Afro-descendent
Lesbian Women in Cuba Norma Guilliard Limonta
Translation from Spanish by Tito Mitjans Alayón
97–110 Existence Narratives and the Small Everyday Deaths: Notes of a Black
Sapatão in Santa Catarina. Aline Dias dos Santos
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Jess Oliveira
111–126 Ocupação Sapatão in Salvador: A Decolonial Counter-Narrative on
the Geographic Urban Space and its Restrictions of the Right to the
City Aline P. do Nascimento and Sheyla dos S. Trindade
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Ayala Tude and Alanne Maria
127–138 Lesbocide in the Brazilian Context Suane Felipe Soares
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
139–152 Main Questions from Brazilian Family Physicians on Lesbians and Bisexual
Women’s Healthcare Renata Carneiro Vieira and Rita Helena Borret
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
153–168 The Siriricando Block and the Lesbians and Bisexual Women at São Paulo’s
Carnival Barbara Falcão and Milena Fonseca Fontes
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Caroline Santos, Cintia Rodrigues and
Marina Pandeló
169–180 The Colonisation of Non-feminine Lesbian Experiences as a Mechanism
for Controlling Bodies and Compulsory Reproduction of Masculinity
Dayana Brunetto and Léo Ribas
Translation from Brazilian Portuguese by Alanne Maria de Jesus and Ayala Tude
181–190 Deborah Learned How to Play Sword with the “Cabras”: Lesbianess
and Artivism in the Guerreiro, a Brazilian Popular Culture’s Manifestation
Ribamar José de Oliveira Junior and Lore Fortes
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
Gender Dialogues
191–210 afro latina formiga, aka formigão aka Aline do Nascimento Aguiar
Poet, Kapoeira y Sapatão
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
211–232 literary cuírlombism: black lgbtqi poetry exorbitating the paradigm of
pain tatiana nascimento
Translated from Brazilian Portuguese by Bruna Barros and Jess Oliveira
233–246 ani ganzala Watercolour and Graffiti Artist of Salvador, Bahia, Brazil
Biographies
331–340
Caribbean Review
of Gender Studies
Issue 14
Kuírlombo
Epistemologies
CRGS Special Issue
Genders and
Sexualities
in Brazil
Cover art
ani ganzala
“Incenso” | “Incense”
watercolor
Open access online journal:
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/
index.asp
Flipbook format
http://issuu.com/igdssau
Academia.edu
https://
independent.academia.edu
/IGDSStAugustineUnit
Institute for Gender and
Development Studies
St. Augustine Campus
Trinidad and Tobago
West Indies
http://sta.uwi.edu/igds/
Email: igds@sta.uwi.edu
Phone: 1-868-662-2002
Ext 83573/83577
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/artists.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://issuu.com/igdssau
https://independent.academia.edu/IGDSStAugustineUnit
https://independent.academia.edu/IGDSStAugustineUnit
https://independent.academia.edu/IGDSStAugustineUnit
http://sta.uwi.edu/igds/
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/artists.asp
http://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/index.asp
http://issuu.com/igdssau
https://independent.academia.edu/IGDSStAugustineUnit
http://sta.uwi.edu/igds/
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/TanyaSaunders.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JeszIpolito.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MarianaMeriquiRodrigues.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SimoneBrandaoSouza.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BrunaBarros.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/JessOliveira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/STayGlover.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/FlaviaMeireles.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/NormaRitaGuillardLimonta.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlineDiasdosSantos.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/AlinePdoNascimento.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SheyladosSTrindade.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/SuaneFelippeSoares.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RenataCarneiroVieira.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RitaHelenaBorret.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/BarbaraFalcao.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/MilenaFonsecaFontes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/DayanaBrunetto.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LeoRibas.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/RibamarJosedeOliveiraJunior.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/LoreFortes.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/formigao.asp
https://sta.uwi.edu/crgs/december2020/tatiananascimento.asp